TABLE 20 Total numbers of times persons in each category identified as a perpetrator Source: Reeler.2003 CATEGORY OF PERPETRATOR NOS. NOS. OF TIMES MENTIONED. % 26 58 4.2 Central Intelligence Organisation 7 9 0.65 Zimbabwe Republic Police 56 88 6.31 Zimbabwe National Army 3 9 0.65 Zimbabwe Prison Service 1 0 0 Zimbabwe National Liberation War Veterans Association 25 150 10.8 ZanuPF PF (Supporter) 464 1045 74.9 ZanuPF PF (Youth) 6 13 0.93 ZanuPF PF (Official) 8 7 0.5 Government & local government officials 12 15 1.08 Total: 608 1,394 Member of Parliament As can be seen from Table 20 above, ZANU PF supporters of one kind or another are the most commonly mentioned by the victims, but ZANU PF officials, state agents from all branches of the security services, and government and local government officials are also mentioned in the reports of the victims. Most serious of all are the 28 Members of Parliament identified by the victims. So clearly the issue of command responsibility can be raised by the data relating to the period 2000 to 2002, and most of this data is concerned with the elections in 2000 and 2002. TABLE 21 Ranks of Officers identified as committing gross human rights violations. Source: Reeler.2003 RANK NUMBER PERCENTAGE District Commanding Officer 1 1.7 Officer-in-Charge 6 10.2 Chief Superintendent 1 1.7 Chief Inspector 1 1.7 Inspector 12 20.3 Assistant-Inspector 4 6.8 Detective 2 3.4 Sergeant 14 23.7 Constable 18 30.1 Analysis of the reports involving the ZRP demonstrated that a very high percentage of officers of rank were alleged to have been involved in gross human rights violations. Additionally, there is the matter of state facilities being reported as places in which gross human rights violations and torture are reported. In the above analysis, it was shown – again derived from the reports of the Human Rights Forum – that “bases” were frequently found in facilities owned by the government. The association between “bases” and torture is frequently made in the human rights reports around the 2000 and 2002 elections, and the above analysis points out that the number of bases identified increased from 39 to 123 from 2000 to 2002. This is probably due to better reporting by human rights groups, and should not be interpreted as a trend. Whilst the existence of bases is alone a matter for concern, the serious concern is in the actual positioning of these bases, and, as the above analysis pointed out, the use of state facilities and public buildings implicates the Zimbabwe government in a very serious way. Page 25