CRS-10 Post-Election Violence. As noted above, although observers suggest that the March 29 election day was largely peaceful, reports of politically-motivated violence subsequently increased to a level not seen in two decades, according to advocacy groups. The Zimbabwe Association of Doctors for Human Rights has reported that its doctors have treated hundreds of victims with injuries consistent with assault and torture since the election date, and that “the violence is now on such a scale that it is impossible to properly document all cases.”41 The MDC alleges that over 100 of its supporters have been killed. U.S. Ambassador James McGee has implicated the ruling party in orchestrating the attacks (see U.S. Policy below).42 ZANU-PF and the Zimbabwean army have denied involvement with the violence, although the army, police, intelligence service, “war veterans”43 and Zimbabwe’s National Youth Service, also known as the “Green Bombers,” have all been implicated. One week after the elections, self-styled war veteran leader Jabuli Sibanda warned, “It has come to our realization that the elections were used as another war front to prepare for the re-invasion of our country.... As freedom fighters, we feel compelled to repel the invasion,” echoing a frequent Mugabe refrain that an opposition victory would be tantamount to the British reinstating colonial rule. The state-owned Herald newspaper, contributed to fears of a white takeover in the wake of the election, reporting, “An increasing number of white former commercial farmers are reportedly threatening resettled black farmers throughout the country with eviction from their farms or face the wrath of an anticipated ‘incoming MDC government.’”44 These pronouncements coincided with farm invasions throughout the country, and by April 16 the Commercial Farmers Union reported that over 100 of the estimated remaining 400 white farmers had been forced off their lands. Since independence, Mugabe’s regime has employed terminology associated with military-style campaigns for government programs ranging from the implementation of price controls, known as Operation Reduce Prices, to the demolition of informal urban settlements, or Operation Murambatsvina (translated as “Clean Out the Filth”).45 Reports suggest that the recent round of violence has its own campaign name, Operation Mavhoterapapi (“Who did you vote for?”).46 Critics note the government’s historic use of violent tactics against political opponents, pointing to the infamous Operation Gukurahundi (“The rain that washes away the chaff before the rain”), the violent “pacification” campaign by a North Koreantrained military unit, the 5th Brigade, in the 1980s against alleged dissidents and 41 As of May 9, 2008 the group reported treating 900 people. See “Mbeki Meets Mugabe for Talks,” Al Jazeera, May 9, 2008. 42 Statement by Ambassador James McGee, “Breaking the Silence on Political Violence in Zimbabwe,” issued on May 8, 2008. 43 Some “war veterans” have questionable credentials and some were too young to have participated in the liberation struggle. Other veterans disagree with ZANU-PF’s policies. 44 “White Former Farmers Threaten Blacks with Eviction,” The Herald, May 7, 2008. 45 For more information, see CRS Report RL32723, Zimbabwe, by Lauren Ploch. 46 “Zimbabwe: Operation Glossary - A Guide to Zimbabwe’s Internal Campaigns,” IRIN, May 1, 2008.