CRS-2 crippled by limited administrative capacity and budget shortages.3 The electoral body is led by Justice George Chiweshe, a former military officer, and reports indicate that the Commission and its regional offices are staffed by numerous former military personnel. Election reports from domestic groups suggest that the registration process was, at best, inconsistent, and there is no indication that the ZEC addressed alleged inaccuracies in the voters’ roll from previous elections. On the eve of the election, the MDC accused the government of printing nine million ballots, even though there were only 5.9 million registered voters.4 The March elections were Zimbabwe’s first attempt at holding “harmonized” elections for all levels of government (local, National Assembly, Senate, and presidential) simultaneously. In addition to the logistical challenges this posed, civic groups argued that the complexity of a four-ballot election required a nationwide voter education campaign. They claim that the ZEC’s education efforts were inadequate and that independent non-governmental organizations (NGOs) were barred from engaging in voter education programs of their own. The Zimbabwe Election Support Network (ZESN), a domestic observer group composed of 38 NGOs, alleges that the ruling party had redrawn constituencies5 to ensure its continued hold on power. In its pre-election report, ZESN argued that there were not enough polling stations designated for urban areas, where the opposition is believed to have its strongest support. ZESN’s report also suggested that, as in past elections, the ruling party manipulated state resources for campaign purposes.6 And despite amendments to two laws, the Public Order and Security Act (POSA) and the Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA), which critics suggest restrict freedom of speech and assembly, advocacy groups argue that the police selectively interpreted the laws and significantly limited the MDC’s ability to campaign.7 Sections of POSA which prohibit false statements “prejudicial” to the state and criminalize statements construed as engendering hostility toward the president remain in effect. 3 Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum, Can the Elections be Free and Fair in the Current Environment? March 18, 2008. 4 “Opposition Party in Zimbabwe Accuses Mugabe of Printing Millions of Extra Ballots,” Associated Press, March 24, 2008. 5 Parliament passed Constitutional Amendment No. 18 in late 2007, increasing the number of parliamentary seats from 120 to 210. Following a rushed delimitation exercise, the ZEC presented its final report, which outlined changes to several constituency and ward boundaries, with no time for debate before parliament adjourned at the end of January 2008. 6 Lance Guma, “Election Body Calls for More Polling Stations,” SW Radio Africa, March 11, 2008, available at [http://www.allafrica.com]. 7 Amendments to POSA allowed groups to present notifications for rallies and demonstrations to the nearest police station, and if denied approval, provided for appeals to be dealt with in a timely manner by the local magistrates court rather than the Home Affairs Minister. Amendments to AIPPA abolished the “journalism without accreditation” offense, although journalists remain prohibited from covering official events, like elections, without accreditation. HRW, All Over Again: Human Rights Abuses and Flawed Electoral Conditions in Zimbabwe’s Coming General Elections, Vol. 20, No. 2(A), March 2008.