Apparent Public Perceptions of the IG. The public’s view of the IG varies. In some quarters the response is one of palpable relief brought about by the increased availability of goods and services and a decrease in violence. While expressing concern at low incomes and a high cost of living, this section of the population approve the enhanced ability to get on with day to day living and working. This is a primary concern for this group rather than political equity. The narrative that lack of progress or what is expressed as very slow progress is caused by residual hard-line ZANU PF elements is accepted. However, other members of the public are confused about the GPA and its implications, while some have lost hope in politics as a means of improving their lot or, through cynicism, have deliberately and actively disengaged from it. The Group's Analysis. The stabilisation of the economy was due to enforced dollarisation and the adoption of multiple currencies and not the workings of the IG. Although the economic outlook thus appears “brighter” with shops again fully stocked, costs are beyond the reach of most and the improvements in many respects are cosmetic only. In fact, poverty levels in the rural areas have continued to rise since dollarisation and may have been exacerbated. The situation in education is not sustainable with teacher salaries at current levels and parents unable to afford even the reduced school fees and the $10 per subject registration fee for O level exams. Some civics have spoken positively about the opening up of space and the ability to have a presence in communities and to carry out their activities more freely. This has frequently been accomplished by NGOs occupying the space opened up by the constitution making process, yet advancing their own agendas within this space. However, the group noted that this space is beginning to close and that civics are now excluded by hostile elements from areas which they used to be able to access without harassment. The group also doubted that the IG could be said to be working on account of the decrease in violence. Elections are the prime co-efficient of the level of violence, rising around the period of any ballot and subsiding thereafter. The current drop in the level of violence is normal in the post election period. It is important to note that the apparatus for perpetrating violence is not only still in place, but is being strengthened and disbanded bases re-established. Furthermore, ZANU PF has made it clear that the entire repressive structure will be maintained and, where debilitated as a result of recent events, strengthened. ZANU PF obviously retains control over the military who are not being subjected to any civilian oversight. The provisions in the GPA in this regard are being by-passed and the Joint Operations Command continues to meet. ZANU PF also exercises its control through the courts, the Attorney-General’s office, enforced dependency and thus loyalty of newly resettled farmers and relentless propaganda disseminated through monopolistic control of the electronic media and daily press. ZANU PF is also attempting to etiolate the strength of trade unions and civics by a mushrooming of new ZANU PF aligned unions and civics designed to absorb MDC affiliated unions and displace and counter civics sympathetic to the MDC. There is clear evidence that these methods of control are being continued. A participant from the human rights sector indicated that organisations continue to receive reports of people being taken to the bases and reminded of the consequences that face them if they do not abide by ZANU PF policies. 4