there was not a single incident involving the army. Yet from the first week in April, reports of army involved in violations have been widespread. Although there have been shootings, most of the deaths and injuries involve simple beatings and other forms of torture committed with very ordinary objects – sticks, fan belts, chains, burning plastic bags, rocks and logs. The shootings have not necessarily implicated the army. In some areas of Mashonaland, war veterans and youth appear to have been armed, which is entirely illegal, and has resulted in several shootings and deaths. • • • ZANU supporters 64 were involved in 42% of cases ZANU youth/militia were involved in 71% of cases War vets were involved in 28% of cases These three groupings represent the informal arms of ZANU PF: in the post election period it is these paramilitary groups and informal groups that have been responsible for most of the violence, in a grim reminder of the situation on the ground in the wake of the 2002 election. What is of central significance is that reports are consistent from around the country: nationwide, army and police are acting in unison with war veterans and youth militia to terrorise people. In 124 out of 618 cases reported to the authors, or 20% of all cases, two, three or more different categories of perpetrator were acting together. Either army or police are alleged to give orders to groups of youth militia or ZANU supporters, as well as taking part themselves in acts of terror. In Matabeleland, people have reported that war vets are being “assigned” two youth militia each. Nationwide, there are reports of senior police or army officials ring leading brutal attacks in rural districts in order to start a wave of violence, after which they themselves move on to other areas, leaving continuing violence in their wake. An Assistant Commissioner Kainona from the police force is mentioned as one such individual behind repeated outbreaks of violence in Shamva and elsewhere. This pattern is consistent with reports the authors received in April of a highly coordinated plan to deploy combined units of police, war vets and army at the ward level right across the country ahead of any run off (see previous section and appendix 3). There are multiple reports of war veterans in police uniform – and of people known to be soldiers moving with these groups but dressed in civilian clothes in order to disguise the fact that the army is involved. 65 2. MDC as perpetrator: No violation reported to us was attributed to MDC. However, it is nonetheless clear that there have been instances of MDC extracting revenge in the wake of the current violence. Eight huts were allegedly burnt by MDC supporters in Shamva in April, one of the few incidents of political violence that has been widely publicised in the government media. 66 There have been other unsubstantiated claims from the state of MDC violence, as well as anecdotal reports of property destruction by MDC. For example, it was reported to the authors that Assistant Police Commissioner Chihuri’s tractor was burnt by MDC activists in the first week of May in Shamva. In mid May, the authors visited a business centre in Gokwe, where in the previous few days ZANU PF youth had stoned and looted every business belonging to MDC supporting businessmen: by night, MDC supporters had followed up by stoning and 64 This group includes general supporters, ZANU youth who cannot clearly be identified as militia, traditional leadership and those who hold positions in ZANU structures. Shockingly, in some areas it has included elected Members of Parliament. 65 People have on occasion been deployed originally in uniform but the same individuals are now in civilian dress. This may be a response by government to accusations of soldiers being involved in violence – which they have denied. 66 The Chronicle, “MDC-T youths in court for public violence”, 15 May 2008. 30