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From National Liberation to Democratic Renaissance in Southern Africa
elections, the possibility that the clearly surprised and disappointed ZAPU
would use these forces, which were still largely based outside the country, to
obtain victory by other means was a source of concern for ZANU-PF. These
seeds of distrust and division fell on fertile ground in the early 1980s (Alexander
et al 2000:181). When the war ended guerrillas were supposed to move into
Assembly Points (APs) for disbanding, demobilisation or integration into the
newly created Zimbabwe National Army (ZNA). However, there were
incessant, often violent, conflicts between Zanla and Zipra combatants caused
by mutual suspicion. This resulted first in the demotion of the ZAPU leader,
Joshua Nkomo, serving in the national unity government, from Minister of
Home Affairs to Minister Without Portfolio (Alexander et al 2000:181). This
angered ZAPU and Zipra cadres. The government secretly initiated the training
of the notorious Fifth Brigade by 106 North Korean instructors. In February
1982 the government announced it had discovered vast amounts of arms on
properties owned by the ZAPU Company, Nitram, and around Zipra APs.
These allegations were used as grounds for confiscating the properties and
sacking Nkomo and other ZAPU ministers. Many deserted the army due to
fear of persecution and took up arms.
After February 1982, the room for political conciliation disappeared. Prime
Minister Robert Mugabe treated the caches as definitive proof that ZAPU
had always been planning a coup. It was said that it had held back forces and
cached weapons to fight in a final struggle to overthrow a ZANU-PF
government if it came to power (Alexander et al 2000:181). Subsequent attacks
on the Prime Minister’s residence were ascribed to Zipra guerrillas. Joshua
Nkomo continued professing his innocence and that of his party, but to no avail.
South Africa, through its policy of destructive engagement with the
frontline states, exacerbated the situation. It fomented guerrilla insurgency in
the country. South Africa sabotaged Inkomo Barracks in August 1981, and
nearly succeeded in liquidating the ZANU-PF leadership. The Zimbabwe Air
force was decimated in an attack on the Thornhill airbase in July 1982. In
August of the same year, three white soldiers of the South African Defence
Forces (SADF) were killed in a clash inside Zimbabwe (Alexander et al
2000:181). At the end of 1982, South Africa launched ‘Operation Drama’, an
effort, which involved recruiting, and arming a Zimbabwean insurgent group
dubbed, Super ZAPU. The ZANU-PF government grew increasingly paranoid.
All this resulted in ZANU being convinced that the crisis could only be resolved
militarily. Former Zipra cadres were persecuted, especially those in the army.
Some fled for dear life while those who remained in the army were often
demoted. Alexander et al (2000:181) note that:
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