Zi m ba bw e’s CONST I TUT I O na l REFORM pr o ce ss supervise the voters’ roll, rather than the registrar-general who reports to a line minister. The outcome of ZEC’s proposal has not been decided. Progress towards increased media freedom In terms of media freedom and media reform, developments have been mixed since the establishment of the GPA. The Zimbabwe Media Commission was created in March 2010 and, in a positive step, it licensed new print-media players in May and July of that year. The country’s mobile-phone services have since also received a major capacity upgrade. However, calls for the reconstitution of the Broadcasting Authority of Zimbabwe, believed by some to be sympathetic to ZANU-PF, have fallen on deaf ears. In 2011, the Broadcasting Authority issued two commercial radio licenses to the state-owned Zimbabwe Newspapers and AB Communications – an entity allegedly linked to President Mugabe.10 Meanwhile, pro-ZANU-PF media coverage by public broadcasters has continued. Unfortunately, the Zimbabwe Media Commission has not yet been able to reform the country’s repressive media laws such as the Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act of 2002 and the Censorship and Entertainment Control Act of 1967. Parliament has also so far failed to pass necessary media-reform bills such as the Media Practitioners Bill and the Freedom of Information Bill (CISOMM 2011: 7). Against this backdrop, the harassment of journalists and artists continues. Security-sector reform Despite constant pleas from the MDC, the security sector has been shielded from reform by ZANU-PF. In September 2011, the defence minister, Emmerson Mnangagwa, who is also a senior member of ZANU-PF, said: ‘If you want to test me speak about the change of generals and removal of war veterans from the security sector. I will not let our security forces be led by puppets of the West [MDC] never!’11 The sanctions issue The issue of sanctions is another contentious and outstanding issue. President Mugabe has stated that he will not retire until sanctions imposed in 2002 and 2003 by the European Union (EU), Australia, New Zealand, and the United States, which targeted himself and 200 senior ZANU-PF as well as government officials and institutions have been lifted (The Standard 2011). Those sanctions that relate to international financial institutions and government-togovernment loans are preventing Zimbabwe from receiving official development assistance. In February 2012, the EU retained Mugabe on its sanctions list but lifted sanctions against 20 entities and 51 individuals in light of perceived politically progressive reforms which could lead to a credible election (EUbusiness 2012). Against this backdrop the call for elections may be in line with President Mugabe’s declared stance that he will not step down until sanctions are wholly lifted. It remains to be seen whether the EU will accede to the unprecedented and unanimous call for the full removal of sanctions made in May 2012 by Zimbabwe’s ministerial re-engagement team, which comprises members of the three signatories to the GPA.12 Possible election dates Although Zimbabwe provides a constant reminder that politics is not always black and white, recent developments may well indicate President Mugabe’s preparedness to call for elections in 2012 in an effort to pre-empt and put an end to such constitutional and electoral reform processes. In a series of interviews in the run-up to his 88th birthday celebrations in February 2012, President Mugabe reiterated that there would ‘definitely’ be elections in 2012 to end the inclusive government’s term of office. Contradicting the minister of finance and MDC-T Secretary-General Tendai Biti, who said that Zimbabwe would not be able to afford to 11