ZANU-PF’s December 2010 congress declared that an election would be held in 2011. Reports were that at this congress, ZANU-PF stated that it wanted a presidential election only – to put to rest ‘the question of illegitimacy associated with the farcical Presidential run-off election of June 2008’. The current Constitution and Electoral Act do not allow an election for President only. It would thus either have to be amended, or the new constitution would allow it. Tsvangirai said in February 2011 that he would not participate in elections amidst violence, probably meaning not in 2011. He indicated the constitution issue would be settled in late 2011 year and elections would follow in early 2012. According to him, the main agenda for 2011 was to support the road-map to a free and fair election – one with clear benchmarks and time-lines that would put in place mechanisms to ensure a legitimate and credible poll. He reiterated that ‘(o)nly when we have achieved the necessary conditions for a free, fair, credible and legitimate election will the MDC consider giving its blessing and participating in such a poll’.4 In an attempt to prepare for elections, the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC) in February 2011 demanded the voters’ roll from the Registrar-General's office to clean it up. It indicated that it was contemplating a ‘new mechanism’ to improve the roll. Regardless of the readiness for elections, much depends on the way in which the constitutional amendments 18 (which paved the way to the 2008 ‘harmonized’ elections) and 19 (which lays down the rules for the GNU) are interpreted. The MDC-T and its supporters say that Amendment 19 states that the president can only call an election ‘in consultation’ with the prime minister. Others suggest that if the GNU collapses (dysfunctionality of the MDC-M as one of the three principals may be taken to indicate a ‘collapse’) Mugabe can call an election under the precepts of Amendment 18.5 Mugabe said: 6 ‘I have the constitutional right, in the absence of any position regarding the new constitution, to cause an election … Those who don’t want elections, if they don’t want, we will have parliament dissolved and go for elections.’ Zimbabwean politics in many (and very important) respects thus remained ‘business as usual’ – ZANUPF, in association with the Joint Operations Command (JOC),7 was in charge, albeit with some fraying at the edges. There was uncertainty over elections, internal friction in government, a strained fiscus, little 4 Morgan Tsvangirai, ‘Zanu PF sabotage derailing unity govt’, Zimbabwe Independent, 18 February 2011. http://www.theindependent.co.zw/local/29937-zanu-pf-sabotage-derailing-unity-govt.html. 5 Paidamoyo Muzulu, ‘Zimbabwe: 'Mugabe Can't Dissolve Parly Under GPA’, Zimbabwe Independent, 27 January 2011, http://allafrica.com/stories/printable/201101310158.html. 6 Nelson Gore Banya, ‘Zimbabwe's Mugabe Dismisses Surgery Reports, Says He Can Call an Election’, Bloomberg 24 January 2011, http://www.bloomberg.com/news/print/2011-01-24/zimbabwe-s-mugabe-dismisses-surgeryreports-says-he-can-call-an-election.html. 7 The Joint Operations Command (JOC) includes the top security people – the heads of the army, air force, prison, police, intelligence services, ex officio the governor of reserve bank. Since 2002 JOC has been the key forum for government and policy decisions and it is widely believed to be running the country. Constantine Chiwenga, Commander of the Zimbabwe Defence Forces and JOC member, is widely believed to be the most likely successor to Mugabe. 16