therefore could not be raped. Clearly, the failure by law officers to protect prostitutes is a socioanthropological one, where, without deconstructing society’s perception of commercial sex workers as a social ill and a symbol of moral degeneration,23 rape against them will continue not to be seen as a crime. This is explained by a study in Southern Africa which revealed that commercial sex workers are disinclined to report rape out of fear and unsympathetic treatment by the police.24 In the current study, the view that the rape of commercial sex workers is a crime was generally endorsed. This is positive given that in most contexts people do not think raping a commercial sex worker is a crime. The findings are also interesting given that, in the 2012 review process by the Committee on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), the government of Zimbabwe in its State Report acknowledged that in dealing with commercial sex work (prostitution) as a crime, the police will arrest more female prostitutes than male because of the perception that “women should not be found in certain places and at certain times.” 25 The government admitted that this kind of thinking perpetuates discriminatory tendencies against women. One can also draw the conclusion that should a female prostitute be raped, it is highly unlikely that she will receive support from the police because they will consider that she was at a place where she ought not to have been, in other words a “wrong” place, and that she brought it on herself. However, of note from the findings in the study is the fact that a significantly higher number of male respondents – [82%] compared to [78%] females - agreed with the fact that it is a crime to rape a commercial sex worker. These figures could be indicators of two things; first that men are more aware that rape is a crime if it is committed against any woman, regardless of whether she is a prostitute or not. Secondly, it could be a reflection that women have (unsurprisingly) negative attitudes towards sex workers or that they believe that sex workers will invite rape by suggesting availability for sex and hence should not cry foul when violated, or both. This then raises serious concerns for the need for the emancipation of women to desist from self-inflicted and internalised oppression and resist subordination. There were some interesting differences due to age where, a significant number of those under 30 [85%] believed that it is a crime to rape a sex worker than those above 30 [77%]. This could be reflective of the conservative character of society, especially older generations, who do not condone commercial sex work, viewing it as prostitution and socially unacceptable behaviour. More people in the middle class [19%] than in the working class [15%] thought that it is not a crime to rape a commercial sex worker. A number of them [5%] also said they did not know if raping a commercial sex worker is a crime. This appears to be a function of privilege, where some people think prostitution is a choice, and, hence, those who do it must be prepared for the consequences, including rape. Those of less privilege who are likely to be pushed to commercial sex work, however, seem more tolerant of the idea, and, hence, found rape a criminal act as it would expose people who are engaged in commercial sex work to further abuse than they had already suffered. 4.1.4 Negotiation for sex 23 M. Richter, ‘Sex Work & HIV and AIDS in SADC’ Aids and Rights Alliance for Southern Africa (ARASA) p.6. M. Richter, ‘Sex Work & HIV and AIDS in SADC’ Aids and Rights Alliance for Southern Africa (ARASA) p.11. 25 Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women, Consideration of reports submitted by States parties under article 18 of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women Combined second to fifth periodic report of States parties Zimbabwe, Paragraph 105 CEDAW/C/ZWE/2-5 Available at http://daccess-ddsny.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/G10/473/20/PDF/G1047320.pdf?OpenElement . 24