11 Although unable to establish any nexus with the MDC or civic groupings in relation to this attack, the author contents him or herself with the phrase “suspected MDC sponsored youths” hoping, by including the petrol bombings, to implicate the MDC and all civic organisations mentioned in the report, with guilt by association. Using the same method of “guilt by association”, the report seeks to implicate various foreign ambassadors and the countries they represent in the trail of violence by showing that they appeared at the Harare Magistrates Courts to express their concern for those injured and taken to court after the events of March 11th. From the above it should be clear that the ZRP report does not make a plausible case that the groups (and countries) mentioned above are bent on a violent overthrow of the government, but rather makes the case that these groups are adopting normal democratic activity as their methods of opposing the government. As indicated above, the author shows no concern that the ZRP is used as an instrument of oppression to prevent them from doing so. FURTHER REVELATIONS The author is equally unperturbed by the use of state resources for party political purposes, and blithely puts this information into the public domain. The sections of the reports dealing with meetings of civics and the opposition have obviously been drawn from documents compiled by spies employed to monitor the activities of these organisations. The instruction to those conducting the surveillance is equally clear, as all the reports follow the same format: the surveillance agents are briefed to state the time and date of the event, the estimated number of people attending, the names and official positions of any known persons attending, to which faction of the MDC such persons belong, and a brief summary of what each speaker said. The extent of the surveillance is revealed in the fact that even in small gatherings of relatively obscure civic organisations, there is infiltration by a surveillance agent who is able to report on what was said at the meeting21. The ZCTU22 appears to be particularly heavily infiltrated, with a group as small as nine people apparently containing an undercover agent23. In addition, the final part of the first report reveals extensive monitoring of ambassadorial staff and their vehicles (pages 45 et seq). Whether those carrying out the surveillance are part of the Presidents Office or Central Intelligence Organisation, (C.I.O),24 or ZRP itself, the report confirms the popular perception that taxpayers’ money is utilised to container of petrol aimed at that house “missed” (page 42). 21 See pages 11 and 19 of the second report. 22 Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions 23 See p 9 of the first report. 24 The State security organisation run from the President’s office, with funds that need not be accounted for to the legislature, continues to be referred to as the C.I.O although the organisation was renamed to The Department of State Security in the President’s Office some years ago.