47 beginning, but eventually sent in the Fifth Brigade88. This force did not limit its activities to dealing with the dissidents only; any one who supported PF Zapu was a target. Victims from this era stated that the government wanted to consolidate power through the submission of political opponents; ZanuPF wanted Zimbabwe to be a one-party state, whilst Mugabe also wanted to ‘colonise’ Matebeleland and systematically eliminate the Ndebele. Gross human rights violations89 were committed against the Ndebeles by the Fifth Brigade and they remain bitter towards the government, as those responsible for the violations have not been brought before the courts. Again amnesty was granted to everyone involved in the conflict when ZanuPF and PFZapu signed the Unity Accord in 1987. Between 1988 and 1998 Zimbabwe had its most peaceful period since its birth. However, this was also the period that saw the emergence of civil society, the growth of Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Union (ZCTU), and frequent university student protests90. Human rights abuses were still happening, especially in police detention and during the 1995 elections, but it was in January 1998 that they emerged again in the forefront. There were food riots that began in Chitungwiza, a satellite city 15 kilometres outside of Harare, and rapidly spread to the rest of the country. The reasons for these riots were several fold, but were identified by many political observers as being significantly related to the climate of discontent and discouragement felt by the Zimbabwean public at the time. These observers felt the reasons behind the riots were indicative of a crisis of governance in Zimbabwe; corruption, poverty and deteriorating living standards, taxes and levies, the land issue, the war veterans scandals, human rights issues, and demonstrations against the tax increases of December 1997 were all seen as relevant to the discontentment being demonstrated in the riots.91 The following year, 1999, the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) was formed, and it became the first real threat to Zanu PF since independence in 1980. In the same year, there was a conflict between government and the constitutional reform movement which lead to the Referendum of 2000. Here the government was defeated, and Mugabe apparently saw this as a personal rejection. This was the beginning of the present day political violence, as, within days, white-owned commercial farms were invaded by government sponsored/organised war veterans, and attacks on members of the MDC began in earnest. “This campaign of violence and intimidation was Zanu PF’s open strategy to avoid another defeat at the polls in the general Parliamentary election set for June 2000.”92 Despite the fact that the MDC was barely a year old, it won nearly half the seats in Parliament, and proceeded to challenge thirty seven seats in the courts, which then led to the government’s attack on the judiciary. Between 2000 and 2002, there was unabated violence perpetrated, mainly by the government and its supporters against the opposition and those perceived to be part of the opposition in preparation for the March Presidential elections. This was also disputed in court and the judgement is still outstanding. The victims stated that the violence during this period was to silence the opposition, to create fear and divide the vote, and there was a need to stop the participation of political activists. They also acknowledged that the results of the referendum played an important role as the outcome had caught the system unawares. 88 A ruthless Korean-trained arm of the Zimbabwean National Army. Perence Shiri, the commander of the brigade during the Gukurahundi period, is today the commander of the Zimbabwe Air Force, and has not been asked to account for his actions during this period. 89 Thousands of unarmed civilians were killed: many were tortured, raped, beaten, and suffered loss of property. See CCJP/LRF (1997), Breaking the Silence, A report on the Disturbances in Matebeleland and Midlands 1980-1988, HARARE: CATHOLIC COMMISSION FOR JUSTICE AND PEACE & LEGAL RESOURCES FOUNDATION. 90 A great number of these students joined and remained part of civil society upon completion of their studies. 91 See Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum (1999), A consolidated report on the food riots 19-23 January 1998 – A report complied by Amani Trust on behalf of Human Rights NGO Forum, HARARE: ZIMBABWE HUMAN RIGHTS NGO FORUM. 92 See again Redress (2003) ZIMBABWE: FROM IMPUNITY TO ACCOUNTABILITY. ARE REPARATIONS POSSIBLE FOR VICTIMS OF GROSS AND SYSTEMATIC HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS? LONDON: REDRESS TRUST. IDASA: Zimbabwe at the Cross-Roads: Views of Zimbabwean citizens on democracy and transitional justice.