• • • • • • • • • • Selective actions or remedies depending on contexts in cases of prosecutions should be considered. For example, prosecutions may not be strategic when the perpetrators are still in power. There is need for perpetrators versions of the truth –that information must be curated and put in place. Institutional synergies and their roles in TJ must be clearly spelt out in the policy. Amnesties should be debated whether they should be conditional or blanket. For instance, should amnestied be based on truth telling or they can be blanket). People must interrogate whether there is an appetite to have TJ at government level or it is only about having the NPRC. People should also ask whether there is need for a Peace and Reconciliation Policy and a TJ policy (or we need both). The discourse must focus on policies beyond the TJ also. Healing cannot be confined to the lifespan of the NPRC because some people may be ready to talk after the NPRC is gone. Therefore, there must be space for them to talk in the future. The level of disclosure and willingness to participate will be determined by the success or failure of the NPRC (confidence and trust deficit), hence the need to ensure that the PRC processes succeed. There is need to consider how TJ issues will go beyond the State level processes into including non-state actors to participate in TJ processes with ease (e.g. church, CSOs etc.). Religion and African traditional justice mechanisms are fundamental in TJ e.g. the church leaders and Traditional leaders have also been affected by the same violence and they bore the same brunt of violence. Therefore, the assumption that the leaders are strong enough to address the problems should be reviewed. 8