10 has been made to provide restitution for these enormous losses. However, there was acceptance by the Zimbabwe state that it would be liable for compensation for injuries has happened in Zimbabwe. The 1980 War Victims Compensation Act attempted to do just this, but, as I have argued elsewhere16, the Act was flawed in many aspects, and, most seriously, proved to be so wide open to corruption that the legitimate beneficiaries did not benefit. Furthermore, if the provisions of the Act were extended to all victims, the Zimbabwe State would be unable to pay even the most minor amounts of compensation, and, if forced to follow the guidelines of the UN Commission on Compensation, would most certainly bankrupt the state for several generations. This can be more complicated when one section of the community is in reality responsible and should pay, as in many colonial situations. Here we start to run into the same problems as the justice component: that attempting to make the perpetrators pay will not end the conflict. Rehabilitation is probably the most acceptable aspect of reparations, but interestingly Zimbabwe developed a policy for compensation and not rehabilitation. The War Victims Compensation Act made provision for payment for injuries sustained and not for the medical or psychosocial care for those injuries. Medical and psychosocial rehabilitation is probably within the financial and moral compass of most countries and could probably be done, but in Zimbabwe there has been no explicit policy on rehabilitation. So the package can be opened up and different elements taken out, but with what consequence. It is not enough to merely assert that the package must be taken as a whole, we must demonstrate that not to do so has pernicious consequences. This is not so simple a task as it seems as first glance for the linkages are between complex macro systems such as the justice and political machinery and micro systems such as individual and family functioning are exceedingly complex, and we do not yet have either the conceptual tools or the methodologies to studies such interactions easily. As best we can rely upon impressionistic case studies, and here Zimbabwe can be used to illustrate the need the need for a holistic conception of reparations. Effects of Impunity in Zimbabwe As briefly stated earlier, Zimbabwe has a long history of both torture and impunity, and I believe that the consequences of both are now increasingly seen in the disease of impunity. There are three major symptoms evident, quite apart from the continuing torture, and all can 16 See Reeler, A.P [1998], Compensation for gross human rights violations: Torture and the War Victims Compensation Act. LEGAL FORUM, vol.10, no.2, p6-21.