Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum truthful in its public statements. Nearly 60% regarded government as corrupt. Four of every five respondants did not think it sensible to blame whites or external agents for Zimbabwe’s economic collapse. They thought the buck stopped squarely with the incumbent government. The same proportion wanted Zimbabwe’s troops back from the DRC at the very least ‘soon’: 48% wanted them back immediately. But the report also noted that the potential for political transition was very open, with nearly 50% of respondants claiming to be undecided about who to vote for or backing minor parties rather than the newly-formed MDC. And it also drew attention to the discrepancy between its findings - that sentiment in eight if not nine of Zimbabwe’s 10 provinces was consistent with a no vote - and the referendum result in which six provinces apparently voted yes.xxix The last survey was conducted after the Referendum in late February and early March by the Training and Research Support Centre and the Zimbabwe Election Support Network. It polled 2 000 respondants in 18 wards in eight provinces, and revealed massive ignorance about the pending parliamentary elections. However, it confirmed that only 13% of rural people regarded land as the key electoral issue, compared to 60% who rated inflation and other economic issues as their first priority. The publication of these results coincided with the upsurge in rural political intimidation by Zanu-PF. Threats were made to return to a bush war should Zanu-PF lose the elections. It may be that these various survey results explain, at least in part, why the administrative shambles regarding voter registration was not sorted out, as well as the belated legal changes and release of information. None were conducive to free and fair electoral choice. The Referendum: 12-13 February 2000 The Election Directorate claimed that 7 200 monitors were placed in 3 600 stations for the poll. Some polling stations were reported to have had none and the ESC claimed to have deployed only 3 600 monitors. Some monitors were unable to reach their polling stations by the time they opened, and some abandoned their posts as a result of non-payment. The South African Human Rights Committeexxx drew attention to the inappropriate locations of some polling stations, including the one in the Bulawayo CIO headquarters. However, the 23,8% poll was generally agreed to have been free and fair. However, the ballot was not secret. Each ballot paper was numbered. A manual record listed the number of the ballot paper against the name of the voter to whom it was issued. Zimbabweans remain very fearful of any possibility of identification and comeback. The state-owned media saw ‘racial connotations’ in the unusually large but unspecified white voter turnout. Polling was peaceful but delayed in a number of southern districts, and Gokwe, as a result of flooded rivers and impassable roads. Ballot boxes had to be flown in by helicopter, and there were rumours of ballot-stuffing in some rural areas. The NCA complained that their monitors had not been allowed to sleep with the boxes and visiting monitors levelled some criticisms, not least that the Registrar-General’s Office failed to ensure that the register of aliens entitled to vote was available in full at all polling stations. Eight members of the NCA, including prominent human rights lawyer Tendayi Biti, were arrested while using a loud hailer, allegedly within 100 metres of a polling booth, in Highfield, and detained for two daysxxxi before being released. The magistrate’s court before which they were arraigned had no jurisdiction under the Electoral Act. The Referendum Results The result was decisively against the draft constitution. Of 1 312 738 ballots cast, 36 774 (2,8%) 18