Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum Special Report
Enforcing the Rule of Law in Zimbabwe
adverse report, although this was disputed by one of the PLC’s members, Welshman Ncube
(MDC, Bulawayo North-East).1
The Broadcasting Services Act (3/2001, Cap 2:06) was similarly fast-tracked through Parliament
against the recommendation of the Parliamentary Legal Committee (PLC) and tough opposition.
So it is clear that Parliamentarians belonging to Zanu-PF have, for over 15 years, overlooked the
interests of their electors. In passing unconstitutional statutes, they have deliberated and breached
the rule of law and, on some occasions, Parliamentary rules of procedure. When its Parliament
does not uphold the Constitution and the rule of law, Zimbabwe’s citizens have a very big
problem.
The Zimbabwe Council of Churches recently expressed ‘concern’ about another undemocratic
practice – ‘the fast-tracking of crucial Bills’ through the House, ‘since this is only another
manifestation of lack of respect for the legal system. There should be broad-based consultation
before a Bill is passed.’2
The Speaker
Our Constitution (s39) requires MPs to elect a Speaker and Deputy Speaker to preside over
Parliament. The Speaker does not have to be an MP, merely to meet the qualifications for
election. At present, both the Speaker Emmerson Mnangagwa (himself a lawyer) and his female
deputy, Edna Madzongwe, are Presidential appointees to Parliament. Neither were elected to
Parliament and neither attracted any opposition support in their election to their presiding
positions.
The Constitution is silent on the way in which the Speaker is to perform her or his role. The
partiality in practice of this role was little evident while Zanu-PF had a large majority in the
House. However, the Speaker and the Minister of Home Affairs curtailed normal Parliamentary
debate on the Citizenship of Zimbabwe Amendment Bill, despite vocal protest from MPs
belonging to opposition parties. The debate on the University of Zimbabwe Amendment Bill was
also tightly managed, with vocal oppositionists from within the ruling party being ejected from
the House.
More recently, in a House that now has a vigorous opposition, the importance of the Speaker’s
role in manouevring for his/her party has become more apparent. For example, on the urging of
the leader of the House, the Speaker ruled that the Parliamentary Legal Committee had violated
standing orders in delivering after its deadline its report on a Presidential Powers (Temporary
Measures) Act Statutory Instrument (SI 255A/2000, dealing with broadcasting services). He used
this breach to assume, under Schedule 4 s2(1) of the Constitution, that the PLC had approved the
SI. He then discharged the PLC report from the Order Paper, thus preventing Parliamentary
discussion of its contents. Rather than condoning a minor oversight, he chose to presume PLC
consent to this SI against clear and vocal evidence to the contrary.3
Parliamentary Debates 27,25:2475; 27,26:2597-8; 27,27:2831. The process of passing this Bill was very
reminiscent of the University of Zimbabwe Amendment Bill in 1990, and the Citizenship Act in 1984.
2
The Daily News 25.8.01.
3
Parliamentary Debates 27,55:5612-9.
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