I n s t i t u t e fo r j us t i ce a n d r eco n ci l iat i o n a fr i c a pr o g r a m m e I then discuss the findings of the research, and report on the needs and perspectives of respondents with regard to: the rule of law; safety and security; economic and livelihood issues; and political participation. This is followed by a discussion of retributive versus restorative justice and issues such as women’s psychosocial and emotional needs and the need for relatives to know the fates of people who have disappeared. I then touch on the need for transformation in the training of personnel in all state services within the broader framework of security-sector reform. I conclude by highlighting the key points relevant for policymakers, human-rights activists and lobbyists as well as academics and researchers. Context and background Since 2000 Zimbabwe has been trapped in a complex and protracted political crisis that has seen rising levels of human-rights violations, including kidnappings, disappearances, arbitrary detentions, torture, sexual violence and the forced recruitment of youth by armed groups, to name just a few. The alleged participation of agents of state security, including the military and the police, as well as youth militias and war veterans in these violations has further complicated the political crisis. The root causes of this militarised political violence are deeply embedded not only in the country’s colonial history but also in patriarchal power relations that cut across all levels and sectors of the population (Du Plessis and Ford, 2008). Addressing the violence requires a holistic response that is attentive to the fractured and polarised landscapes in which the conflicts have arisen, and for which solutions are yet to be framed (Eppel and Raftopoulos, 2009). Many analysts argue that the alliance between the Zimbabwe African National UnionPatriotic Front (ZANU-PF) and the security forces is designed to prevent the opposition political party – the Movement for Democratic Change led by Morgan Tsvangirai (known as MDC-T) and the smaller faction of the same party led by Welshman Ncube (known as MDC-N) – from accessing the levers of state power. The MDC’s growing popularity (evident in the success of the ‘No’ vote in the constitutional referendum of 2000 and the party’s win in the March 2008 elections) is certainly seen by ZANU-PF as a major threat to its hegemony (Eppel, 2008; Solidarity Peace Trust, 2008). The Global Political Agreement (GPA) of 18 September 2008, and the establishment of the transitional Government of National Unity in February 2009 by the three political parties – ZANU-PF, MDC-T and MDC-M – brought both relief and hope to many Zimbabweans, and particularly to women who tend to be even more vulnerable during periods of political tension. The establishment of the Organ on National Healing, Reconciliation and Integration by the Government of National Unity was further seen as offering a much needed panacea to the prevailing culture of violence which, it can be argued, targets women in particularly harsh and brutal ways. The discourse on national healing The discourse on national healing has arisen in the context of transitional justice and in response to the challenges of societies emerging from conflict or political violence. It has also become the preferred lens through which to examine levels of democratisation in such countries (Abu-Nimer, 2001; Boraine and Valentine, 2006; Mallinder, 2007). In the last two decades the concept of transitional justice has, for many, come to represent the values associated with democracy, the rule of law and the recognition of human rights. As defined by the United Nations: Transitional justice is the full range of processes and mechanisms associated with a society’s attempt to come to terms with the legacy of large-scale past abuses, in 2 IJR Zimbabwe Womens needs OP proof 2.indd 2 7/16/2012 11:01:30 AM