strategy. Senior Rhodesian army, police and security officials who had operated in a state of emergency and participated in the widespread and systematic human rights abuses were retained. The state of emergency that had existed since 1965 together with the legal framework that had enabled the Rhodesian government to illegally detain without trial, torture, execute and cause the forced disappearances of its opponents was maintained during the first ten years of independence. However, peace and stability did not immediately ensue after independence. This was initially attributed to the difficulties of trying to integrate three former rival armies into one national army. ZANU PF government's reaction to dissent was to unleash the retained institutions that the Rhodesians had dedicated to the abuse of human rights of its opponents, thereby legitimising a tradition of human rights abuse and a culture of impunity. This reaction can be illustrated by two examples. Firstly, the Rhodesian army was used to commit atrocities against the perceived ZAPU dissidents in the Bulawayo Entumbane township barely a year after independence. Note that the integration of the former Rhodesian army was not problematic largely due to the fact that this force continued to enjoy favourable working conditions during the transitional phase. However, bringing together the military wings of ZANU (Zimbabwe African National Liberation Army (ZANLA) and Zimbabwe African People's Union (ZAPU)'s Zimbabwe People's Revolutionary Army (ZIPRA) who were housed in makeshift camps, proved to be difficult. Grievances over poor conditions fueled differences between ZIPRA and ZANLA in Entumbane Township (Bulawayo), which culminated in an open conflict in November 1980 and February 1981. In a bid to quash the fighting in February 1981, ZANU PF deployed former Rhodesian forces, including the air force, against ZIPRA perceived dissidents. More than a hundred people died and these included civilians, prisoners and children. Secondly, in the advent of increased military action against the perceived dissidents of Matabeleland and Midlands, the government took advantage of the existence of a state of emergency to issue regulations that exculpated its officials and security forces from any consequent criminal and civil acts. In this environment and in particular, between 1983 and 1987, there were reports of mass killings, torture, burning, bayoneting, rape, burning, destruction of property and enforced 'disappearances' by the North Korean trained Fifth Brigade that was deployed by ZANUPF. It is estimated that approximately 20,000 people lost their lives. Of significance is the fact that some of the tactics used in the military action against the Ndebele dissidents had been employed by the colonial regime in its campaign against the nationalists' forces. Truth Commissions: the Best Practices 23