increased Electoral Irregularity ratings suggests that their presence did not only contribute to political violence, but was associated with a much wider range of irregularities. Figure 2 Comparison of the presence of militia: Electoral Irregularity Ratings and Violence Scores 16 14 12 Score 10 No militia base 8 Militia base 6 4 2 0 Violence score EI Rating Presence of Militia As is additionally seen from Figure 3 [see over], the same effect is found when we examined the detailed relationship between the presence of militia and the types of violence reported in the constituencies sampled. Here we were interested to see beneath a global construct, such as a Violence Score or an Electoral Irregularity Score, that physical violence, gender-based political violence, and various forms of political party violence are still much more frequently reported in constituencies where militia are also reported. AS SUGGESTED ABOVE, THE PRESENCE OF MILITIA MAY NOT ONLY BE ASSOCIATED WITH VIOLENCE IN THE CONVENTIONAL SENSE, IN A COUNTRY IN WHICH PHYSICAL VIOLENCE HAS BEEN EXTREMELY COMMON ACCORDING TO ALL REPUTABLE SOURCES – BOTH LOCAL ZIMBABWEAN AND INTERNATIONAL SOURCES – AND WHERE ALL REPORTS HAVE STRONGLY IMPLICATED THE YOUTH MILITIA IN PARTICULAR, IT IS EVIDENT THAT THE PRESENCE OF MILITIA MAY HAVE OTHER INHIBITORY EFFECTS. HENCE, WE EXAMINED THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE PRESENCE OF MILITIA AND THE INTERFERENCE WITH BASIC FREEDOMS. TABLE 8. The presence of militia and interference with basic freedoms Wear insigni a of own choice Put up poster s Forced attendanc e at political meetings Interference with travelling into constituenc y Interference with travelling out of constituenc y New residents coming into constituenc y Fearful of expressin g views Unabl e to read paper s of own choice National Constitutional Assembly: THE 2005 PARLIAMENTARY ELECTION. FLAWED, UNFREE AND UNFAIR!