objections to discussion of the resolution. Then Zimbabwean Information Minister Jonathan Moyo’s accusation that the opposition Movement for Democratic Change had “smuggled” the report onto the AU agenda at the behest of British Prime Minister Tony Blair, met no objection. International attempts to isolate Mugabe and his close associates through travel and financial sanctions have been consistently undermined by Mbeki, who has called for the sanctions to be lifted and has done everything possible to eviscerate the effectiveness of the travel ban. This was most prominent during arrangements to convene the EU-ACP (European Union – African Carribean and Pacific) summits, most recently the attempt by Portugal to do so in December 2007. South Africa supported the call by African states to boycott the summit, as it had done successfully during the aborted 2003 summit, unless Mugabe was permitted to attend. In the same year, in the face of EU objections, Francis Nhema, Zimbabwe's Environment and Tourism Minister was nominated for a post on a United Nations Commission, a nomination, in view of Zimbabwe’s economic collapse, that was ironic, being that of the chair of the United Nations Commission on Sustainable Development. Zimbabwe's UN Ambassador responded to the EU objections by asking: “What has sustainable development got to do with human rights?” South Africa supported the eventually successful nomination. South African intelligence services and defence forces maintained a close relationship with their Zimbabwean counterparts during Mbeki’s presidency. In June 2006 Zimbabweans were treated to footage of South Africa’s Minister of Intelligence Ronnie Kasrils hugging Zimbabwean State Security Minister Didymus Mutasa during a visit to Zimbabwe to discuss undisclosed issues. But weeks before the meeting, Mutasa had been directly implicated in intra party violence in his home area of Rusape. Since 2004, armaments to the value of more than $237 401 (R3,3-million) were privately transferred from South Africa to Zimbabwe. The trade records show that in 2004 South Africa exported about 2,6 tonnes of revolvers, another 2,5 tonnes of other firearms, between 4 and 7,5 tonnes of cartridges and what appear to be parts for military vehicles. All of this equipment was vital for the continuance of Mugabe’s repression of the opposition by members of the army and police. The South African defence department donated Dakota aircraft engines worth millions to Zimbabwe, while South Africa’s Armscor transferred spares to get Zimbabwean military helicopters airborne. Zimbabwean soldiers and flying instructors have been trained by the South African Defence Force and the South African Air Force. The flow of arms to Zimbabwe required approval by the South African government’s National Conventional Arms Control Committee (NCACC), headed by Sydney Mufamadi, (subsequently appointed by Mbeki as a key figure in the negotiations between ZANU PF and the MDC). The extent of the supply of arms to Zimbabwe from South Africa was highlighted in April 2008 when Armscor was contracted to transport weaponry destined for Zimbabwe and carried by Chinese freighter, the An Yue Jiang, from Durban port to Harare. The arms were due to arrive in Zimbabwe as the Mugabe regime was putting into place arrangements, coordinated by select members of the military, for a bloody suppression of the electorate to ensure “victory” in the presidential run off election. NCACC policy prohibits the flow of arms from South Africa to conflict zones. Despite this policy Mbeki and Mufamadi