essential functions and gave responsibility to ZANU-PF ministers.75 The concerned departments are the ministry of information, communication and technology; the ministry of constitutional affairs (which would have been in charge of electoral laws); the ministry of science and technology; and the ministry of state enterprises and parastatals.76 The MDC immediately opposed the move, but to date, the matter remains unresolved. MDC’s zeal for reform also appears to be faltering. Several local analysts told Human Rights Watch that some senior MDC ministers who had championed human rights reforms prior to joining government appear to have lost interest in this difficult pursuit.77 As a result, the MDC is not forcefully pushing for reform, but appears preoccupied, instead, with simply protecting the existence of the power-sharing government. Although the MDC temporarily disengaged from government on October 16, 2009, over continued breaches of the GPA by ZANU-PF and non-implementation of agreed reforms, local analysts expressed the view that the MDC often now exaggerates its power and influence within the power-sharing government while downplaying ZANU-PF’s unwillingness to embrace human rights reforms.78 Some analysts have also expressed disappointment that, despite having an MDC home affairs minister who is in charge of the police, Giles Mutseyekwa, police continue to harass MDC supporters and to be partisan to ZANU-PF.79 For example, rather than speaking out against police assaults on women protesters on January 25, 2010, Mutseyekwa and his ZANU-PF counterpart summoned the local women’s group, Women of Zimbabwe Arise (WOZA), and lectured them on the need to obey the country’s laws, including the draconian Public Order and Security Act.80 The minister allegedly attributed WOZA’s public demonstration and their harassment by police to giving bad publicity to the power-sharing government and scaring away foreign investors.81 Human Rights Watch believes that the best way for the power-sharing government to attract foreign investment is to guarantee a rightsrespecting and stable political environment. 75 “Bill Watch 8 of 2010,” Veritas, March 6, 2010, on file with Human Rights Watch. 76 Ibid. 77 Human Rights Watch interviews with analysts B.K., D.C., O.S., and F.M., Harare, February 15, 2010. 78 Human Rights Watch interviews with political analysts B.K., A.C., M.C., and J.M., Harare, February 10, 2010. 79 For more on how ZANU-PF politicized the police, see Human Rights Watch, “Our Hands Are Tied”. 80 Human Rights Watch interview with lawyer Dzimbabwe Chimbga, Geneva, March 12, 2010. See also “WOZA meets with ministers of home affairs,” Women of Zimbabwe Arise press statement, March 1, 2010. 81 Ibid. 23 Human Rights Watch | April 2010