type of data. Service Availability is based on the reports of enumerators as they move through the various communities and make observations of what facilities they see. There can, of course, be bias and error in making these direct observations, but, by-and-large, these measures are probably independent of bias or error. The questions about Service Delivery, on the other hand, are derived from the opinions of the respondents, and all the 13 questions ask about how well the government is doing in providing each of the services. It is possible that the rural residents are “faking good” about how the government is doing, but it is also the case that the ZANU-PF government is assiduous in ensuring that the rural population remains loyal to the party. Hence, the difference between the two groups, urban and rural, represents a real difference. Urban residents will be much more reliant on municipalities for the services they receive, and it is evident that such services have shown marked deterioration over the past decade. It is also the case that urban areas have been the stronghold of opposition parties since 2000, and these years have been marked by hostility by the government, even to the extent of undertaking mass displacements in the urban areas with Operation Murambatsvina, which showed interesting differences between urban and rural citizens (Reeler. 2017). The biggest finding, however, is the bifurcation between Service Availability and Service Delivery, and the relationship between the latter and State Responsiveness. This conforms to the general notion that the government that delivers is seen as “responsive” and will maintain the loyalty of its supporters. This is scarcely news to political scientists, but what is news is that this works to the advantage of the ZANU-PF government in its consistent patronage to the rural areas. This is no gold-plated advantage as shown in the analysis of the effects of Operation Murambatsvina, and it is probable that the disruptions to those living in urban areas spilled over to the rural areas, losing ZANU-PF votes in the 2008 elections (Reeler. 2017). After all, the bifurcation between town and country is much more fluid than is often apparent, and, with the greater Lived Poverty of the rural areas, the support of urban family members for their rural relatives is an important part of alleviating that poverty. Disrupt that link and this can easily lead to support dwindling. In the context of the disputed 2018 elections, and the opacity about the actual results, did this support actually dwindle? Whether this is the case or not, these findings support the notion that the country is now deeply divided, and divided along the lines that we have shown (Bratton & Masunungure. 2018). 8