Mashingaidze: The 1987 Zimbabwe National Unity Accord and Its Aftermath 89 Post-colonial Zimbabwe’s development paradigm was rural-oriented, and Matabeleland and some parts of the Midlands Provinces did not benefit due to the ongoing disturbances. In this context, after the Unity Accord massive, infrastructural development and rehabilitation should have been undertaken. Unfortunately, not much was done and the people feel alienated from national development processes. This was confirmed in the 2000 Parliamentary elections in which the ruling ZANU-PF was trounced in all but two of the Matabeleland constituencies. One of the ex-Zipra luminaries, Dumiso Dabengwa, a losing ruling party candidate in the elections, observed that: [T]he people have rejected us not only as candidates, but also as ruling party ZANU-PF now. The reason is that since the signing of the Unity Accord in December 1987, the people of Bulawayo feel they have not gained anything. The people have been saying what is the use of supporting ZANUPF and its candidates and that is their message (Sunday Mail, 2 July 2000). The Zimbabwean Unity Accord glossed over truth telling, an integral component of South Africa’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission, thereby downplaying its relevance to reconciliation (Gatsheni-Ndlovu 2003:2). The Catholic Commission for Peace and Justice (1997:3) noted that: [O]ne of the most painful aspects of the 1980s conflict for its victims is their perception that their plight is unacknowledged. Officially, the state continues to deny any serious culpability for events during that year, and refuses to allow open dialogue on the issue. In effect, there is a significant chunk of Zimbabwean history, which is largely unknown, except to those who experienced it first hand. All Zimbabweans, both present and future, should be allowed access to history. Memory, history and contemporary politics: Putting the 1980s war into perspective Zimbabwe is currently in a crisis. Its economy is in a state of paralysis. The political sphere is characterised by violent intolerance. Zimbabwe’s deterioration began in 1995. From that point on, fiscal deficits, foreign currency shortages and fuel scarcity became the major characteristics of the Zimbabwean economy. Civic organisations increased in number and began to shape critically society’s views. Of major interest in this regard was the emergence of a vibrant civil society, notably the National Constitutional Assembly (NCA), in late 1997, which spearheaded the crusade for a new constitution to replace the anachronistic Lancaster House Constitution of 1979. The government responded by establishing the National Constitutional Commission (NCC). The NCC was mandated to seek people’s views and, 4.Mashingaidze.pmd 89 31/10/2005, 12:54