Davidson and Purohit: The Zimbabwean Human Rights Crisis: A Collaborative Approach to International Advocacy YALE HUMAN RIGHTS & DEVELOPMENT L.J. [Vol. 7 from across the political spectrum, as well as from around the country, in the vast majority of reported cases the victims are members or supporters of the MDC, or people accused of supporting the MDC. In such cases, victims and witnesses generally allege that the perpetrators of abuse are officers from the Zimbabwean police and security forces, or members of government-supported militias, such as so-called war veterans groups and youth militias (known as Green Bombers). The climate of impunity that prevailed from the civil war and through the violence in Matabeleland in the 1980s continues to protect these perpetrators of serious human rights violations. Reporting cases of political violence in Zimbabwe is a difficult and risky endeavor. Many incidents undoubtedly go undocumented, particularly in cases of rape and sexual assault, which victims are often unwilling to report. However, groups such as the Amani Trust and the Human Rights NGO Forum have been able to compile lengthy reports based on victim and witness accounts of particular incidents, and have identified certain patterns and trends. These groups have noted a significant increase in political violence in the period from 2000 to present, with peaks showing around local, parliamentary and presidential elections. In addition, while the number of killings has remained relatively low, there has been a huge increase in the reported incidents of torture and other forms of physical mistreatment. The Human Rights NGO Forum reported 1061 documented incidents of torture in 2002, as well as fifty-two assaults, twenty-nine disappearances, fifty-eight murders and seven rapes.15 From January I to July 31, 2003, a further 390 incidents of torture were recorded by the forum, along with 238 assaults, four disappearances, eight murders, and six rapes.' 6 The methods of physical abuse also demonstrate patterns, and particular centers such as youth training camps have been identified as 17 locations where certain types of abuse are common. past decade and a remarkable number of civil society groups and NGOs operate in the country despite the risks that this entails. These groups have been a vital source of information about the situation in the country. As discussed further below, some organizations in the region have also played an important role in drawing attention to deteriorating conditions inside Zimbabwe, in addition to groups in Europe and the United States. 15 See ZIMBABWE HUMAN RIGHTS NGO FORUM, POLITICAL VIOLENCE REPORT (Dec. 2002), at http://www.hrforumzim.com/monthly/dec_02.htm [hereinafter DECEMBER REPORT]. 16 See ZIMBABWE HUMAN RIGHTS NGO FORUM, POLITICAL VIOLENCE REPORT (July 2003), at http://www.hrforumzim.com/monthly/july03.doc. 17 For example, several disturbing reports were publicized in 2002 and early 2003 of the use of electrocution and the forcing of detainees to drink urine and other noxious substances, during detention by the police. One such case was that of human rights lawyer Gabriel Shumba and MDC Member of Parliament Job Sikhala, who were detained for three days in nid-January by the police. Following their torture (beating, electric shocks, and being forced to drink urine), they were hospitalized and subsequently fled the country. In other cases, individuals and groups describe being severely beaten with sticks, rifles, chains, and other weapons, in their homes, on the streets, and at places of detention. Camps have been established ostensibly for the purpose of carrying out the government's national youth service training program. Numerous reports indicate, however, that these camps are used to train youth militias and are the sites of significant violence and abuse, both of the youth themselves, members of the opposition, and individuals perceived to be Published by Yale Law School Legal Scholarship Repository, 2004 7