body, compared with 52% of ZANU-PF supporters, confirming this question as a measure that is likely to differentiate supporters of the two parties. A similar trend was identified in the question of whether violence and intimidation affect the party vote in elections [Q47E]. 17% denied or strongly denied that this was the case – whilst 74% agreed or strongly agreed. On the party politically declared portion of the respondents, 87% of MDC-T supporters believed that violence affect the way in which Zimbabweans vote, compared with 51% of ZANU-PF supporters, confirming this question as well as a measure to help differentiate supporters of the two parties. A variation on the theme was the statement that the youth militia (closely aligned with ZANU-PF, and known to have been associated with acts of violence) ‘look after the good interest of Zimbabweans’ [Q47C]. 16% of overall survey respondents agreed or strongly agreed with this statement, whilst 63% disagreed or strongly disagreed. On the party politically declared portion of the respondents, 86% of MDC-T supporters disagreed, compared with the 25% of ZANU-PF supporters, pointing to differentiation potential of this measure. There was also the issue of the president only ‘occasionally’ or ‘never’ depending on the security forces in his exercise of power [Q11] – 14% of the overall survey respondents thought it happened occasionally, and another 4% said ‘never’, again equalling the approximate level of declared ZANU-PF vote support. On the party politically declared portion of the respondents, 68% of MDC-T supporters compared to 37% of ZANU-PF supporters agreed that the security forces were propping up the president. A few questions offered a comparable parallel indicator of MDC-T support. One was the attribution of credit for the improved IG performance, as compared with that of the preceding ZANU-PF government. 45% of the overall survey respondents reckoned it was more the contribution of the MDC-T than that of the other parties [Q13]. The other item, trust, is dealt with above. These parallel measures suggest that the 17-18% declared party support for voting in an election ‘tomorrow’ is the minimum that ZANU-PF will receive in an election in which the result is not manipulated. There are obviously no indications that this will be the only ZANU-PF support, but the convergence on these items suggests that this is the guaranteed minimum level of support. Simultaneously, the measure of trust in the MDC-T and its performance in the IG indicate of solid minimum support level ranging from the mid-30s upward – lower than the declared 2009 support, but more than double the support that is indicated for ZANU-PF. 49