10 It will be appreciated that it is not easy to investigate these claims, any more than it was easy to demonstrate the “third force” elements during the struggle in South Africa. However, the allegations, which are strongly supported by the evidence from human rights organizations, does suggest that many youth – some say as many as 50,000 – have been subjected to fierce ideological training. They have been trained in methods of violence – mainly torture – and have learned to have contempt for the law. They have operated with complete impunity, not merely in respect of the violence, but also in respect of frank criminal activity. As the mounting evidence shows, the National Youth Service scheme has not only produced young people who are able to carry out human rights violations with little compunction, but these same youth are now being placed within the normal structures of Zimbabwean society. Graduates of the scheme are being offered preferential access to many jobs within the state, but also educational opportunities in many different fields. Reports indicate that most new recruits to the police and army are such graduates, whilst places in training institutes, colleges and universities are being opened to the same population. So there clearly are advantages to joining the scheme, and this can be rather sinister if the allegations of indoctrination and training in violence are accurate. The views of Zimbabwean youth: The youth militia and the National Youth Training scheme have not found favour with all the youth, and not even all the unemployed youth. Idasa has been working with unemployed township youth during 2004 in a civic education programme, and it has been instructive how differently Zimbabwean youth view their country and its problems 16. As part of this process a survey was conducted in February 2004 using the Revised IDASA Democracy Index. The sample was drawn from 5 areas in Zimbabwe: Chitungwiza [18], Bulawayo [17], Masvingo [16], Mufakose in Harare [20], and Mutare [23]. The sample was composed equally of men and women. The sample was educated up to school-leaving in the main, with 94% having reached O’Level, but none had gone beyond this level and attained A’Level, College, or University. AS regards age, 25% were under 20 years, 70% under the age of 25 years, and 96% were under the age of 30 years. 16 See Chitsike, K, & Reeler, A P (2004), Democracy and Youth in Zimbabwe, (in preparation).