strong resonance in rural areas and other areas affected by the severe post-election violence in 2008. There were various cases of inducement, coercion, and so-called “smart intimidation” reported to and observed by EU observers, mainly in rural areas. The lack of legal measures to ensure a level playing field impacted on the fairness of the campaign. EU observers reported an extensive use of state resources and advantage of incumbency across the country. State developments projects, such as Command Livestock and Command Agriculture, were announced at ZANU-PF campaign rallies and were widely publicised in the media.53 Food aid was usually distributed by using ZANU-PF structures.54 The distribution of the presidential input scheme (fertilisers and seed) commenced in June, four months earlier than usual, which was cited by different stakeholders as an example of inducement. Domestic observer organisations identified food aid or equipment given out at rallies as the most widespread form of misuse of state resources in the campaign, followed by the use of government vehicles, buildings and officials. 55 EU observers reported that voters in resettlement areas appeared to be particularly vulnerable to coercive practices attributed to traditional leaders and local administration, related to their lack of land ownership and dependency on state structures. Recommendation 10: Legislative measures, including effective and dissuasive sanctions, should be introduced to mitigate abuse of state resources and misuse of the advantage of incumbency, such as use of government vehicles, property and funds and the involvement of public officials in political activities, in order to guarantee the free expression of the will of electors and help create a more level playing field. There was concern regarding the role of traditional leaders in the campaign, with numerous reports of chiefs publicly supporting ZANU-PF, attending their rallies and in some cases obstructing opposition rallies in their communities.56 A number of observer teams reported traditional leaders involved in the campaign and influencing voters by threatening to cut food aid and agricultural inputs if they did not vote for ZANU-PF.57 Traditional leaders themselves were also sometimes the target of intimidation, with one chief in Mashonaland East reporting coercion to attend a 53 On 22 June, President Mnangagwa launched Command Livestock in Gwanda, Matabeleland South, handing over 660 heifers, just before he addressed a rally. The Herald on 14 July reported that Emmerson Mnangagwa has given 1,440 cattle to the farmers in the Matabeleland North at a rally the day before. “Government has given 18,000 tonnes of maize to Mashonaland Central”, the Herald, 13 July 2018. The Herald of 15 June, wrote that the Presidential Inputs Scheme targeting 1.8 million smallholder farmers “has this year been launched earlier (on 13 June) than in previous years to allow smallholder farmers ample time to prepare for the 2018/2019 season”. 54 “Government has given 18,000 tonnes of maize to Mashonaland Central” The Herald, 13 July 2018. If food aid is distributed through governmental bodies, for example the Grain Marketing Board, ZANU-PF members reportedly play a key role in the process 55 Report of the Zimbabwe Electoral Support Network on Pre-Election Political Environment and Observation of Key Electoral Processes, July 2018. EU observers reported that ZANU-PF structures and members played a key role in the distribution of food. Voters were reportedly threatened with exclusion from the input schemes if they did not vote for the ruling party. 56 Section 281(2) of the 2013 Constitution provides that traditional leaders must act in a politically neutral way. Similar rules apply for District Administrators, Section 200(3). A High Court decision found that the President of the National Council of Chiefs, Fortune Charumbira, acted unconstitutionally in urging traditional leaders to support ZANU-PF. 57 For example, in Masvingo, Matabeleland South, Mashonaland Central, Mashonaland East. 21