8 They had established operational bases, usually in rural district council offices or buildings owned by Zanu (PF) members at growth points and also in some urban districts. Camps were also established on occupied farms. Sometimes these were little more than meeting points where local Zanu (PF) supporters congregate regularly. In the majority of cases, however, they became informal barracks, where youths were trained and provided with food and drink and were even sleeping at night. There have been allegations that the youths are also being supplied with drugs. People from other areas were sometimes brought to stay at the bases and carry out attacks. The extent of the use of outsiders may be a reflection of the inability of the team to drum up sufficient locals, but many witnesses believed it was part of a strategy designed to limit identification of the attackers. Raiders were despatched from the bases into surrounding communities to hunt down opposition supporters who were either brought back to be tortured, assaulted or intimidated or brutalised in their homes, together with their families. There were often hundreds of participants in these raids, but some may have been coerced into taking part and were not fully committed to violence. Several victims noted that the attackers were very young, possibly even school-going age. The mass of the attackers were apparently being rounded up when needed by the militias to boost their impact, but the core members usually carried out the beatings and torture themselves. The extent to which the day-to-day activities of the militias were under direct control of the Zanu (PF) leadership is not certain. Nevertheless, the relationship between Zanu (PF) officials (including candidates) and the militias is strong, suggesting that the groups were implementing a policy under close guidance from members of the party. Accounts of financial rewards being offered for carrying out acts of violence are a signal of state involvement and the day-to-day costs of feeding and housing the militia were allegedly being met by Zanu (PF) candidates and senior party officials. Regular reports of Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO) agents taking a direct hand in the violence reinforce the perception that the campaign was and is being led by the highest authorities in government. CIO members have made themselves known to a number of victims and have been accused of acts of torture, threats and participation in attacks upon MDC members. In one case investigated by the Forum there is strong evidence that CIO members tortured an MDC member. The victim can identify his attackers and as such is now extremely vulnerable. Other members of his family received threats after the incident. The Amani Trust, which has been assisting with medical costs for the victim, received reports of several visits by the CIO to the Harare Central Hospital which have put the victim in further fear of his life. Several victims have reported to the Forum that they were visited by CIO agents while in hospital. In one case in Bindura hospital the victim had to be transferred. A youth who was tortured by the militia in Mberengwa was forced to flee the hospital after a sympathetic doctor recognised that a CIO agent had been