slogans, Tsvangirai ucharowa chete nevakomana [Tsvangirai—the leader of the MDC—will be beaten by the boys].89 Even where there is not overt violence, farm workers are intimidated: The farmer came to us and told us what he had been told. Those who work on this side [of the farm] should wind up their operations. When we finish now, we don’t know what is going to be our fate. They pegged the area [i.e. marked out plots for the new occupants] and left. They gave us that last warning, that they didn’t want to see us on that side of the farm. They just told us, without threats, but they know we are afraid of them. 90 There are also cases in which farm workers, communal area residents, or MDC supporters have attacked and beaten those occupying a farm. Such incidents have often resulted in reprisals, in some cases reportedly including police.91 Monitoring of reported cases by human rights groups indicates that the majority of victims continue to be opposition supporters; however, each and every case of violence deserves equal investigation. Human rights NGOs report continued violence connected with farm occupations since the visit of Human Rights Watch to Zimbabwe in July 2001. 92 Similarly, on December 10, 2001, the Commercial Farmers’ Union reported that, since September, “the situation on commercial farms has continued to deteriorate, with ongoing incidents of violence, intimidation, extortion and disruption to farming activities.”93 Some human rights groups noted a shift in patterns of violence away from commercial farms to the communal areas and towns by early 2002, and a UNDP technical team commented that “acts of lawlessness on large-scale commercial farms now appear to be decreasing.”94 Use of Farms as Bases to Harass Opposition Supporters An ongoing feature of violence in the rural areas is the systematic harassment, intimidation, and assault of opposition activists, primarily supporters of the principal opposition, the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC). Human Rights Watch obtained numerous testimonies confirming reports of Zimbabwean human rights groups to this effect. Farms have been among the locations targeted for such assaults, since white farm owners are among the prominent supporters of the MDC and their financial resources have been deployed on behalf of the opposition: We were campaigning for the MDC in March this year. The constituency results are in dispute and are being contested. The owner of the farm is an MDC member. He’s the one who used to give us money and the directions of the operations…We could write posters and go where we see many people and leave them some posters to read. One day we went to [the farm]…. As we left the farmer’s house and entered the main road, we collided with the war veterans, about seventy of them. We were only fifteen. We decided to run away. As we decided to run away, one of the war veterans was armed with the 303 rifle normally kept by the farmer…Two young boys were captured. We saw them being beaten while we hid in the bush. They took the two [boys] into the bush, some had hoe handles, some with axes, some with sticks. One of them [the boys] was hit by 89 Human Rights Watch interview, farm worker, Harare, July 18, 2001. Human Rights Watch interview, farm worker, Beatrice District, Marondera West, July 26, 2001. 91 For example, police reportedly assaulted farm workers and villagers at a farm in Mhondoro after they had challenged war veterans and Zanu-PF supporters who stopped them from taking firewood. “Police attack villagers,” Daily News (Harare) June 22, 2001. 92 See, for example, Complying with the Abuja Agreement (Harare: Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum, October 2001). 93 CFU Presentation to SADC Task Force, December 10, 2001. 94 UNDP Interim Mission Report, January 2002, p.31. 90 Human Rights Watch 21 March 2002, Vol. 14, No. 1 (A)