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Violence as a Bargaining Tool: The Role of Youths in the 2007 Kenyan Elections
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lobbied for the rejection of a draft constitution written under the guidance of Attorney
General Amos Wako that the alliance perceived to be a radical shift from the Bomas
draft developed between 2003 and 2005 by the Constitution of Kenya Review
Commission. The latter proposed a transfer of powers from the president (elected by
the people) to the prime minister (elected by parliament) in addition to introducing
checks on executive appointments and a devolution of central powers to the regions.
The Wako draft retained the powerful executive and did not address the issue of devolution.10
As the 2005 plebiscite on the constitution approached, polarization with ethnic
overtones reached a fever pitch, preparing the ground for one of the most trying periods in Kenya’s history. Youths were in the forefront as agents of change or protectors
of the status quo. On several occasions, youths from the various parties faced off,
sometimes becoming violent. ODM supporters saw themselves as representing marginalized, underdeveloped regions, seeking political pluralism and a resolve to address
historical injustices and unfair wealth distribution. Youths marginalized under KANU
rule expected their party to bring about desired and much-delayed change, ushering
in opportunities in devolved regions.11 Meanwhile, youths supporting the ruling
NARC saw their role as one of defending their perceived opportunities and interests
in their home regions. These attitudes would carry over to the 2007 elections.
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
This study is the result of a descriptive survey, in which qualitative information was
generated through personal, in-depth interviews and focus-group discussions. The
choice of these methods was influenced by the sensitive nature of the subject at the
time of data collection, which required a level of confidence building before subjects
would respond through face-to-face interactions. The use of self-administered questionnaires was rejected when respondents proved to be reluctant to fill them out after
learning of the subject of the study.
An interview guide was designed to facilitate the collection of primary data,
through interviews and discussions, from individuals involved with FORD–Kenya
(youth league chairperson), the Party of National Unity (youth organizer with the
Kibaki Again campaign), and the Orange Democratic Movement (youth coordinator). All of them were from Nairobi. Purposive sampling was applied in selecting individual respondents interviewed from the following youth organizations: Youth
Agenda, Volunteer Youth Philanthropist, Youth Initiatives Kenya, Africa Youth Trust,
and Kibera Youth for Peace and Development. All of these groups are based in
Nairobi. Other respondents were associated with the Youth Consortium and StepYouth, in Eldoret, and Kondele Youth Forum and Kisumu Youth Organization, in
Kisumu city.
10. Society for International Development, ‘Searching for a more perfect union? Scenarios for Kenya’s
constitutional referendum’, Nairobi, 2010, www.sidint.net/perfect-union.
11. Chris Kwaja, ‘Do the people have faith in electoral democracy? Lessons from Kenyan 2007 presidential elections’, Africa Journal of Political Science and International Relations, 3:2 (2009), 38–45, www
.academicjournals.org/ajpsir/PDF/Pdf2009/Feb/Kwaja.pdf.
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