APCJ_1528_Win2010_00i_122_4 12/30/10 3:22 PM Page 83 Violence as a Bargaining Tool: The Role of Youths in the 2007 Kenyan Elections 83 strongholds of the opposing camp with the expectation that such acts would give them political advantage over their opponents.31 The reprisal attacks that began on 24 January were orchestrated by the Mungiki in Nakuru and Naivasha and parts of the surrounding countryside in Molo and its environs. Those involved targeted ODM sympathizers among the Kalenjin, Kisii, Luhya, Luo, and Maasai along with others tribes perceived to have persecuted Kikuyus. It was said that Mungiki had infiltrated the police force and had received financial support from senior members of the PNU inside and outside government.32 Meanwhile, ODM supporters, mainly youths, were involved in attacks against PNU supporters based on the perception of them as alleged masterminds of a stolen election and as ‘outsiders’ and therefore enemies of the Kalenjin, Kisii, Luo, Luhya, and Mijikenda communities. In 2007–2008, the groups’ organization was more sophisticated than usual, and the magnitude of the violence resulted in an overwhelming destruction of property and lives.33 Recruiters for Violence Eighty-six percent of respondents interviewed cited several primary reasons for joining gangs: ethnic polarization, willingness of the political class to hire them in exchange for rewards, and, in part, the state’s incapacity (because of institutional collapse) to effectively respond to their violence. To some extent, youths empowered by politicians and business people enticed economically disadvantaged youths to take part in the mayhem, sometimes against their will. The leaders that emerged within the violent youth groups acted as intermediaries between members and financiers, who included politicians and members of the business community, creating a merchantclient relationship. Perpetuators of Cultural Practices Culture too had a hand in shaping violence or aggression during the post-election period. According to one respondent in Eldoret, the Kalenjin community depends upon warriors to defend it against aggression. Once circumcised, a male youth automatically joins this rank and is expected to act accordingly without fear or questioning. These communities have standby brigades for any eventuality. According to 87 percent of respondents, every community had ‘accepted violent youth groups’ because they were considered a form of legitimate security. A culture of violence is tolerated and accepted among the Boranas, Gabra, Garre, and Rendille in Upper Eastern, and youths are the main implementers of it. For instance, newly initiated Rendille warriors are supposed to steal livestock and kill a member of rival communities, which include the Borana and Gabra. Teenage girls are expected to sing songs for the warriors upon their return from a successful raid and 31. PeaceNet Trust, ‘Post election violence in Kenya’. 32. ‘Report from OHCHR fact-finding mission to Kenya’, 8. 33. Ibid., 8, 14.