Executive Summary Social and citizen movements continue to gather momentum although in the month under review their activities have been restricted by the ban on protests affecting Harare. The social movements and unions like #Tajamuka, #ThisFlag, #ThisGown, National Vendors Union of Zimbabwe (NAVUZ), Rural Teachers Union of Zimbabwe (RTUZ) and have been recently joined by the National Electoral Reform Agenda (NERA), a coalition of 18 political parties. The groups, though conceived differently influenced by the challenges each one is faced with have galvanised a fractured Zimbabwean citizentry and revived the will to peacefully protest. The social movements continue to protest against political as well as economic problems weighing Zimbabweans down. The common factor among all these groups is the fact that incumbent President should admit failure as there is growing youth unemployment, a serious cash crisis, poor living conditions for most Zimbabweans deplorable working conditions for those still in employment and lack of electoral reforms as the 2018 elections are on the horizon. The ban revealed that police officers did not know their role in the face of protesting citizens. The police it seems thought their role was to stop at all costs any form of protest and yet the constitution in section 59 gives citizens the right to demonstrate and petition as long as it is peaceful. On the other hand the role of the police is to maintain law and order and protect both life and property. There has been a marked increase in violations from a low of 123 violations in March 2016 to 321 in August 2016 and 296 recorded in September. Conflict drivers during the month of September were incessant protests with the NERA protest being a highlight, other conflicts centered around discrimination in the distribution of food aid. The intensity of the violence experienced during this period can be gauged by the number of victims recorded. Between July and September 2015, 1230 victims were recorded and the figure has almost tripled in the same period this year. A total of 3383 victims were recorded between July and September 2016. An intriguing phenomenon has been the identity of the victims; traditionally victims of political violence were members or supporters of established political parties. However, there has been a marked increase in a group of victims identified as “unknown”, in September 2015 41,4% of the victims were identified as unknown and in September 2016 the figure has almost doubled to 81,9%. The increase in the number of unknown victims of violence is indicative of the rise in the number of protestors who do not belong to mainstream political parties but are part of a growing socio political movement in Zimbabwe. State sponsored violence is pervasive in Zimbabwe and the statistics recorded in September point to a shocking reality of how violence is perpetrated by state institutions. In September, the Zimbabwe Republic Police accounted for 46.7% of violence perpetrators followed by 7.3% from the Zimbabwe National Army and 1.8% from the Central Intelligence Organisation. Apart from state institutions, Zanu PF had the highest number of perpetrators of violence at 39.7%. This indicates a growing tendency by the ruling party to use violence in settling political scores, in August 2016 Zanu PF accounted for 42% of the perepetrators. Some protesters were detained and subjected to inhuman treatment by police after they defied the protest ban. On 17 September police and military officers went on rampage assaulting Glenview, Mabvuku/Tafara, Dzivarasekwa, Kuwadzana and Kambuzuma 5