2. 3. 4. 5. There is a fundamental need for there to be a clear separation of party and state in Zimbabwe and for there to be a proscription on the use of state resources for party political activity. The Government and law enforcement agencies should strictly enforce the law in respect to all acts of political violence. The provisions of the General Laws Amendment Act, the Public Order and Security Act and the Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act which impede the freedoms of association movement and speech should be repealed. In accordance with its commitment to all the people of Zimbabwe to assist in the development of a democratic society, the Commonwealth should continue to offer assistance to strengthen the country’s democratic institutions. The Commonwealth should also offer technical and economic assistance as appropriate. This is a very narrow set of possible benchmarks for the Commonwealth’s concerns about the Zimbabwe crisis. Any set of benchmarks for the Commonwealth’s re-engagement would need to be set against Zimbabwe’s history since 2000, and would have to have some reference to the land issue. Furthermore, any benchmarks should be juxtaposed with and set in accordance with the Harare Declaration. Below we sketch the key concerns and supporting evidence. 5.1 The Land Question Although the land question was not amongst the political indicators, it is included merely because it has remained the continuous refrain of the Government of Zimbabwe about the cause of the crisis in Zimbabwe. The issues around land can be disposed of very quickly. Firstly, the Abuja Agreement was violated virtually ab initio, and there was no credible attempt by the Zimbabwe Government to produce a land policy that was transparent, accountable, adhered to the laws of the country as a whole, and aimed at the people most in need of land. Secondly, the land redistribution exercise resulted in massive appropriations by Government and party officials, some with multiple farms, a finding that has even drawn adverse comment from President Mugabe himself. Thirdly, the increasing number of court cases on land related matters before the Zimbabwean courts resulted in judgments that negated the Zimbabwe Government’s assertions that a properly managed and legal process of land reform was taking place. This issue was finally resolved by a controversial Constitutional Amendment, the 17th since 1980, which rendered all legal challenges null and void. Fourthly, all available evidence indicates that the chaotic land policy has seriously compromised both the economy and food security. There has been an adverse impact on agriculture due to drought, but this does not wholly explain the serious problems that have emerged since February 2000: inflation officially at nearly 15 000% and 4.1 million in need of food aid. It is evident that the manner in which “land reform” was carried out bore little resemblance to genuine land reform programmes seen elsewhere in the world, characterized as it was by violence and widespread and systematic violations of human rights. There can be no claim 9