4
Table 4.
Political affiliations of survivors.
Leadership
Active member
Member
Supporter
No affiliation
0.5%
36%
6%
45%
10%
As can be seen, the survivors report having very definite relationships to the political struggle of the 1970’s. The people
were subjected to enormous stress as their loyalty became a key issue, as the Rhodesian security forces tried in every
way to neutralise the support for the guerrillas, and used every means at their disposal to do this. This is not unusual, but
the inevitable consequence of modern guerrilla warfare. Even medical doctors were used, and at least one documented
example had doctors and research scientists assisting the Selous Scouts in providing poisoned clothing to the guerrillas.
The climate of fear and suspicion created by these undercover operations fractured community trust, and pitted
neighbour against neighbour, and even family member against family member. This view is bolstered by the reports from
survivors of the direct effects upon their own families, a view supported further by the reports of war veterans (Reeler &
Mupinda.1996).
Table 5.
Effects on other members of
survivors’ families.
Detention
Imprisonment
Torture
Disappearance
Deaths
23%
8%
62%
20%
23%
In all, a picture of epidemic violence, with few escaping some experience, and a very high number reporting the torture
of a relative. However, as even such eminent commentators on the Zimbabwe war as Terence Ranger have pointed out,
this has lead to relatively few investigations of the common experience. Indeed, it might be said, in defence of my earlier
thesis, that common experience has been ignored, even suppressed. However, whether by default or design, this has
resulted in the silencing of suffering.
The silencing of suffering
In Zimbabwe, there is a long and bitter history of not telling the truth, all enforced by impunity, the most final form of
silencing. It is a frequent occurrence that governments when confronted by the uncomfortable consequences of their
actions, pass laws to excuse these actions. This is not just by the use of draconian and sweeping laws like the Emergency
Powers, Law and Order (Maintenance) or Presidential Powers Acts, but by the passing of specific statues of impunity
like the infamous Indemnity and Compensation Act of 1975 or by amnesties: these apply to both Rhodesia and
Zimbabwe. However, the real effects of impunity are scarcely seen by many people, and certainly in Zimbabwe there are
very few advocates for a Truth Commission and a firm adherence to the Constitution. This is scarcely surprising when no
government in the past three decades has avoided the use of draconian legislation, all have used statutes of impunity, and
none have respected the Constitution enough to uphold it in all respects. The illegal regime of Ian Smith merely tore up
the constitution, whilst the post-Independent government of ZANU-PF use Presidential Powers and legislative