Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum were spoilt (many with messages of gross disaffection against the government), 578 210 (44,05%) were in favour and 697 754 (53,15%) against adopting this draft.xxxii It is unclear how many people were not permitted to vote, but 4 294 were turned away in Midlands province alone.xxxiii Although six (largely rural) provinces gave an overall affirmative, 62 of 120 constituencies voted no. Of these, 50 were urban and 12 rural. The Herald (16 February 2000) wrongly reported that 63 constituencies had voted in favour and 57 against. It also omitted Hatfield and Marondera West constituencies, duplicated Rushinga and Shamva (which materially inflated Mashonaland Central’s ‘yes’ vote), and committed a number of typographical and arithmetical mistakes in its published poll results. The Daily News results contained a few typographical errors. MediaWatch noted that accurate information was regarded as ‘a closely guarded state secret’ by the Registrar-General’s Office and sympathised with journalists trying to get it. The urban vote was overwhelmingly negative, and included all of the smaller towns except Beit Bridge, Shurugwi, Zvishavane and Kariba. Peri-urban areas (Goromonzi, Seke, Vungu, Matobo, Umzingwane) also voted no, as did some surprising rural constituencies (Binga, Mutasa, Makoni East and West). The proportion of the properly rural vote that was negative varied from a low of 18% (in Mutoko South and Mberengwa East) to 67% (in Binga). The General Agricultural and Plantation Workers Union of Zimbabwe claimed that 65% of its 450 000 members had voted, independently of any influence.xxxiv When the negative result was finally announced, it was reported overseas some hours before being included in the ZBC news. ZTV followed its main evening news broadcast with a ‘state of the nation’ speech by the State President, who appeared unusually subdued in a gracious acceptance noted by all as completely at odds with his behaviour over the past decade or more. ‘Although the government accepted the results of the referendum, Zanu-PF, as a party, interpreted the rejection of the draft constitution as the result of a conspiracy by the black urban middle-class elite (represented by the MDC), the country’s white commercial farmers and the Government’s external enemies.’xxxv After President’s acceptance of the Referendum result, Vice-President Msika immediately confirmed that there would be no change to the land resettlement programme. Political violence flared up very quickly as commercial farmland was occupied by people claiming to be war veterans.xxxvi The finger of responsibility pointed directly at Zanu-PF and its leader. ‘There is no question that the occupations were directed or condoned by Mugabe.’ xxxvii The State President refused to execute court orders requiring the veterans to withdraw, and the police refused to act in what they called a ‘political’ matter. Pius Wakatama alleged that the people’s message calling for a conference to design a nationally-acceptable constitution was not respected. Instead, ‘paid thugs and killers … unleashed a reign of vengeful terror’. xxxviii This terror lasted well beyond the general election. Whereas he had kept a low profile during the CC’s Referendum campaign, during the Parliamentary elections the State President unabashedly campaigned for his own party, using the land issue and anti-colonial sentiment. ‘We are not fighting the MDC, the British Government is fighting these elections and so we want to defeat them thoroughly’, he claimed.xxxix When the draft constitution was rejected, CC spokesperson Jonathan Moyo indicated that he thought the constitutional issue should be referred to Parliament, with its 147 (of 150) Zanu-PF members. Heneri Dzinotyiwei wanted an ‘impartial committee’ of not more than 20 people to pool submissions made to the CC and NCA in order to draft an acceptable constitution under which the 2000 elections should be held under the control of an independent electoral commission. Neither happened. The Constitution of Zimbabwe Amendment 16 After the reform process had ostensibly ended with the Referendum, on 1 and again 31 March the Government gazetted its proposal to amend the existing constitution for the 16th time. This 19