to
register,
also
serves
to
undermine
all
citizens’
access
to
information.
This
requirement
for
only
ZEC
approved
organisations
to
undertake
voter
education
definitely
undermined
the
reach
of
such
education
in
the
early
phases.
However,
it
is
also
noted
that
as
BVR
has
progressed,
ZEC
has
regularly
called
meetings
with
registered
civic
groups,
and
has
been
helpful
in
sharing
information.
ZEC
has
also,
in
these
meetings,
acknowledged
the
important
role
being
played
by
civics
in
trying
to
bring
voters
into
the
BVR
process.
Civics
rose
to
the
challenge,
and
can
take
the
credit
for
ensuring
that
many
more
voters
came
forward
to
register
than
would
otherwise
be
the
case.
This
was
particularly
true
in
urban
centres,
and
also
in
some
rural
areas
of
Matabeleland
North
and
South.
ZESN
also
did
an
excellent
job
in
monitoring
the
process
in
all
wards
around
the
country
and
producing
reports
on
their
findings.
Youth
organisations
encouraged
the
youth
vote
by
allowing
free
entry
at
concerts
to
those
who
had
a
registration
slip
to
show.
This
latter
approach
has
been
criticized
in
a
recent
article
on
the
dangers
and
prevalence
of
different
forms
of
vote
(and
voter)
buying
in
Zimbabwe:
Finally,
the
culture
of
gift
giving
for
election-‐related
activities
is
entrenching
itself,
worse
with
the
recent
adoption
by
civil
society
groups
of
the
material
inducement
phenomenon
for
people
to
register
to
vote.
The
groups
which
give
people
perfumes,
tickets
to
music
shows
and
transport
to
registration
centres
have
also
been
drawn
into
the
vortex
of
turnout
buying
(a
variant
of
the
broad
vote
buying)
and
have
regrettably
lost
moral
high
ground
to
criticise
political
parties
from
doing
the
same
practice,
instead
this
has
entrenched
the
voter
inducement
to
the
detriment
of
democratic
practice.73
The
main
point
of
Ncube’s
article
is
to
detail
the
ways
in
which
ZANU
PF,
through
allegedly
already
embedding
2,000
commissars
in
all
the
wards
of
the
nation,
has
laid
the
groundwork
for
various
coercive
ways
of
winning
the
vote.
The
long-‐standing
pattern
of
abusing
government
inputs
to
individuals
in
rural
areas
and
conflating
the
ruling
party
with
the
government
has
already
been
alluded
to
in
this
report.
The
patronage
principle
works
hand
in
hand
with
more
coercive
approaches,
and
we
need
to
remain
vigilant
to
both.
Civics
using
material
incentives
to
encourage
people
to
register
may
seem
innocuous
compared
to
actual
vote
buying,
but
this
point
is
still
one
that
civics
should
conduct
some
introspection
around:
should
we
offer
any
kind
of
experiential
or
material
inducements
to
get
people
either
to
register
or
vote,
or
is
this
not
succumbing
to
behavior
we
have
wished
to
condemn
in
others?
ZANU
PF
and
voter
education
–
and
abuses
It
was
observed
that
while
ZEC
was
slow
to
get
information
out
into
the
field
about
BVR,
ZANU
PF
was
not.
In
Matabeleland,
it
was
our
observation
that
ZANU
PF
was
highly
visible,
calling
meetings
of
their
supporters
to
ensure
that
they
had
the
information
to
go
and
register,
with
the
right
dates
and
places
to
do
so.
Unfortunately,
it
was
also
our
observation,
and
that
of
others,
that
ZANU
PF
was
deliberately
misinforming
rural
civilians
in
particular,
about
BVR.
People
were
routinely
told
that
the
new
process
would
include
finger-‐printing
and
scanning
of
people’s
faces,
so
that
there
would
no
longer
be
any
anonymity
about
the
vote:
ZANU
PF
would
know
whether
or
not
a
particular
voter
had
voted
for
them
or
not.
This
was
reported
to
our
observers
in
Lupane
and
73
Ncube,
Batsani:
How
the
2018
polls
will
be
lost
or
won,
The
Zimbabwe
Independent,
9
February
2018.
https://www.theindependent.co.zw/2018/02/09/2018-‐polls-‐will-‐lost-‐won/.
21
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