decision to appoint the Commission. Thirdly, the Secretariat of the Commission was housed at the Ministry of Justice, Legal and Parliamentary Affairs, which compromised the independence of the Commission. polarisation of the witnesses who appeared before it, stating in its report that there was a “a very worrisome degree of polarisation and bitterness within the body politic of Zimbabwe.” Ultimately the Commission released weak, hazy and cosmetic recommendations, without specific identification of perpetrators and specification of sanctions. To date, the government has taken no concrete and visible steps to implement the recommendations. President Mnangagwa subsequently promoted Brigadier-General Anselem Nhamo Sanyatwe, the commander of the military unit that conducted the 1 August shootings, to the rank of Major-General Presidential Guard. The submission and presentation of evidence before the Commission was marred with politics. The Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum attempted several times to ensure that certain evidence was placed before the Commission, without success. The Forum presented to the Commission the names of 17 eyewitnesses to the events of 1 August, but these were never called to testify. Yet the Commission lamented the Police officers in Harare Central Business District Specific Cases Ÿ On 16 February, Abel Mauchi of Matuvi village under Chief Makore in Gutu, Masvingo, filed summons demanding $10 000 in damages from ZANU-PF supporter Matora Masiiwa, who assaulted him after he refused to surrender his voter registration slip containing his serial number and other personal information. Musiiwa was arrested and charged with assault. Ÿ On 4 March, supporters of Nelson Chamisa assaulted supporters of the then MDC-T Vice President Thokozani Khupe at a party meeting in Bulawayo. 11 STATE OF HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT ZIMBABWE 2018