Political parties The writer did not formally approach the two main political parties, but assessed their positions on justice and accountability issues from secondary sources, as well as from information gleaned from the general interview process. The writer also witnessed several public presentations from senior MDC figures, and held several informal meetings with opposition office bearers. The MDC was supportive of efforts to address these issues. Opportunities for engaging party political structures as part of a wider awareness-raising strategy should be explored. Trade unions Contact was also made with the main trade union federation, the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions, also eliciting a positive response. The ZCTU, which had representation at the Johannesburg Symposium, has indicated a willingness to disseminate information on transitional justice to its membership, utilising existing structures, as well as through the Congress’ monthly newspaper, The Worker. ‘Transitional Justice’ issues have not been formally discussed within the ZCTU, and many key ZCTU leadership figures remain in the dark about the issues under consideration, and the various justice and accountability initiatives and related developments. Consequently, it would be necessary to have a formal engagement with the ZCTU to orientate them on some of these, and to explore the possibility of developing tailored information products that would resonate with this constituency. Churches The Church is an extremely important constituency in Zimbabwe and has a pivotal leadership role to play around issues of justice and accountability, healing and reconciliation. It is, however, deeply divided politically and ideologically on a number of issues. With some notable examples, the church has not stood up in condemnation of the violations perpetrated. In the words of one interviewee, “it really comes down to individuals, some are pro-ZANU(PF), many are ignorant, and others are simply frightened.” The situation appears, however, to be dependent on individual ministers, and attitudes are closely linked to experiences. A number of church figures, the most prominent of whom is the Roman Catholic Archbishop of Bulawayo, have been increasingly vocal in their condemnation of violations. Church umbrella bodies such as the Evangelical Fellowship and Zimbabwe Council of Churches (ZCC) have remained cautious. Three Mutare bishops have engaged in a series of confidential discussions, in efforts to promote dialogue, and have steadfastly refused to apportion responsibility, in an apparent effort to appear ‘even-handed’. These Bishops declined invitations to the Johannesburg symposium. Their activities have been shrouded in secrecy and there have been no tangible advances in terms of their dialogue or reasons forwarded for this failure. The interview process revealed considerable scepticism about this initiative from a wide range of civil society groupings. The process remains stillborn, and the ZCC was recently labelled as anti-government by the State media. Many within the religious fraternity are interested and willing to engage in the promotion of debate around the transitional justice agenda. Groups in both the main cities and smaller towns, such as Christians Together for Justice and Peace (an inter-denominational group of Methodists, Presbyterians, Roman Catholics and Anglicans) have begun to come together to discuss the Zimbabwean crisis. Baptist Ministers in Matabeleland have been participating in a series of workshops to assess and document the needs of victims of (political) violence, and are trained in counselling and basic psychosocial skills. Justice and accountability concerns are an integral component of these considerations, and efforts to cultivate an interest from this constituency should be pursued. 24