m a ppi n g wo m en ’s n eeDs i n Zi m ba bw e’s nat i o na l h e a l i n g pr o ce ss
The truth about the facts should be clarified, but the perpetrators should not be
given amnesty otherwise this will defeat the whole objective of national healing
as the attitude of most affected families will remain resentful. Therefore, amnesty
should not be given. Families, particularly those that are politically engaged, have
a burning desire to see the sacrifice of their loved ones officially acknowledged.
(Focus group, 7 June 2011)
Several women also explained that reparations would provide a range of material and
symbolic benefits to victims individually and collectively, while encouraging institutional
reform. Important goals of reparations policies should be to empower survivors to be able to
make independent decisions about their own future, to restore their dignity and to advocate
for reforming power relations in all spheres of life.
However, most respondents had strong reservations about state-led or politician-driven
transitional justice processes because of the paternalistic nature of Zimbabwean politics,
currently viewed as being characterised by mistrust and persistent state-sponsored violence.
Women recounted stories of small-scale healing ceremonies being held in a number of
provinces as part of restorative justice processes in which communities have attempted to
make peace with victims of brutal clashes that left many dead. Such projects use traditionaljustice mechanisms and rituals to heal the wounds and hatred caused by the violent conflict.
For some, the response has been overwhelming. In their view, these processes do not have
the trappings of modern courts, which are often experienced as inaccessible and unfamiliar.
Instead, perpetrators are put before village elders, and surrounded by a familiar environment.
Trials take place, guilt is acknowledged and compensation offered before the perpetrators
ask for forgiveness and are reintegrated back into the community. One woman reflected on
the effectiveness of the process as follows:
Here we are not talking of strangers who committed crimes and violence in the
villages, we are talking of those we know and [we] recognised that they caused
harm and suffering and also did injustice to innocent civilians, mainly women and
children. (Interview, 3 June 2011)
It was acknowledged that transitional justice processes are never perfect and will not
satisfy all segments of society. For now, though, the biggest challenge is that most women in
Zimbabwe have no access to the relevant justice systems.
Several women, especially in the rural areas, revealed that they did not know much about
the GPA or the Organ on National Healing, Reconciliation and Integration and its function.
They said that no one had disseminated information about the two institutions. Those
respondents who had heard about the Organ observed that it has a limited mandate, is poorly
funded and that the government has not shown commitment or political will to the national
healing agenda. In the rural areas women revealed that various forms of violence continued,
and that women were not free to discuss issues related to the traumatic experiences of the
2008 political violence. Women suggested lobbying via women’s organisations, parliamentary
committees and women leaders in the GNU. Through focus group discussions it was also
noted that NGOs and churches have been encouraged to capture women’s contributions and
to pass these on to the GPA principals and parliament.
Some respondents argued that SADC, as a regional body with a gender unit and specific
gender protocols, should vigorously lobby for the involvement and participation of women
in the process of national healing and reconciliation in Zimbabwe. Others suggested that
women’s movements from other countries that have experienced violent situations such as
Rwanda, Ghana and Sierra Leone should share their ideas on reconciliation and healing.
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