I n s t i t u t e fo r j us t i ce a n d r eco n ci l iat i o n a fr i c a pr o g r a m m e
to be made friendly and accessible to women. Respondents revealed that the police force was
often uninterested in both domestic and political violence; and unless a woman can show
physical evidence of the violence she has suffered, police and law-enforcement authorities
are often unwilling to believe and assist them.
A number of women who had experienced the criminal justice system described the
ongoing trivialisation of politically motivated physical or sexual abuse of women. These
women condemned the institutional inertia and dysfunctionality in the justice system as
a whole. Women survivors described the difficulties they had faced in laying charges due
to the trivialisation of the politically motivated assaults and abuse in general, and the
characterisation of some offences as minor. They remarked on the incongruity between the
seriousness of the abuse they had suffered and the nature of the charges that were eventually
laid.
During discussions women pointed out systemic tendencies towards politically motivated
sexual abuse and exploitation:
The point is not that the officials do not know that sexual abuse is a serious violation
of my rights as a woman, but that the system itself refuses to recognise politically
motivated crimes [against] those seen as the opposition. It’s all about ZANU-PF
politics to punish those viewed as MDC prostitutes. (Interview, 7 June 2011)
Another woman described the justice system’s trivialisation of sexual assault and abuse:
In my case, the court date kept changing. There was no regard concerning my life as
a human being. The court thought it was funny…they laughed and kept moving the
court date. Then when the police responsible for the investigation was transferred, I
lost the charges and that was the end of story. (Interview, 7 June 2011)
However, a few respondents felt that the symbolic role of the court and police was still
important. These women emphasised the important role of the formality of the courtroom
and the relative power that some judges and other court officials had shown in responding to
their ordeals. Some women also cited improvements over the years in police responses and
in support for police intervention.
The need to know the fate of the disappeared and to see
human remains
Knowing the fate of relatives who have disappeared was a priority for all the women who took
part in the interviews and focus groups that inform this paper. They want this not just to end
the uncertainty they live with, but also so that they can reach a sense of closure and healing.
In African culture, and for families of the disappeared in general, the death of a loved one is
almost impossible to come to terms with when the deceased’s remains cannot be accounted
for. Four of the six women interviewed grudgingly accepted that their relatives were dead
while the other two said they remain hopeful, even though their loved ones had been missing
for many years. One woman from the Seke communal lands near Harare, whose husband
and brother both disappeared, described the difficulties she faces as follows:
As a family we have not yet carried out any rituals because we have no proof they
are dead. It is still a matter of investigation by the police. According to our marriage
custom and culture I cannot wear the symbols that I am a widow because we
have not seen his dead body, maybe he is still alive somewhere. It worries me a lot
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