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Issue No. 2
September 2007
VOTER REGISTRATION BOOSTS TURN OUT
By Ellen Kandororo - Dingani
T
here is a tenant that voters' registers are
not just one additional element of the
electoral process; they are in fact a crucial
factor in the establishment and consolidation
of a democratic system of government.
Having comprehensive, accurate voter
registers should be considered a prerequisite
for free and fair elections. There have been
however, exceptions to the rule such as the
independence elections in Zimbabwe in
1980 and the election in South Africa in 1994
where no rolls were used because both these
countries were coming from war.
The main function of a good voter register is
not only to promote high voter turnout, but
also to enable any turnout at all. In general, it
can be expected that comprehensive,
continuously updated voter registers will
produce higher voter turnout rates, although
as an indirect effect. In fact, voter turnout
rates are over 70 percent in most well
established democracies where
comprehensive and continuously updated
voter registers exist.
It is ZESN's belief that the people can only
make their choice or voice their sentiments
by voting in elections hence the need to curb
voter apathy in elections. Voter apathy can in
actual fact dilute the value for democracy. But
however, though high voter turnouts are
desirable also among political scientists and
economists specialising in public choice, the
issue is still debated. A high turnout is
generally seen as evidence of the legitimacy
of the current system. Dictators have often
fabricated high turnouts in showcase
elections for this purpose. For instance,
Saddam Hussein's 2002 referendum was
claimed to have had 100% participation.
Assuming that low turnout is a reflection of
disenchantment or indifference, a poll with
very low turnout may not be an accurate
reflection of the will of the people. On the
X
People queuing to vote
other hand, if low turnout is a reflection of
contentment of voters about likely winners or
parties, then low turnout is as legitimate as
high turnout, as long as the right to vote
exists. Still, low turnouts can lead to unequal
representation among various parts of the
population. In developed countries, nonvoters tend to be concentrated in particular
demographic and socioeconomic groups,
especially the young and the poor. In India,
however, the opposite is true.
The poor, who comprise the majority of the
demographic, are more likely to vote than the
rich and the middle classes. In low-turnout
countries, these groups are often
significantly under-represented in elections.
This has the potential to skew policy and a
food for thought for voters. Some nations
thus have rules that render an election invalid
if too few people vote, such as Serbia, where
three successive presidential elections were
rendered invalid in 2003 because of the an
average low turn of about 43%. Serbia's
registered voters actually participated in the
three rounds of the election, far below the
50% voter turnout required to make the
elections valid.
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Against the backdrop of the earlier
observations in our last submission, it is not
surprising that successes in African electoral
democracy have been scanty and several
challenges importunate. Challenges are
acute in a plethora of areas of the electoral
process: the legal framework, management
of voters' registration, uneven electoral
playing fields, conflict management and
resolution, use and abuse of incumbency,
and effective voter education. These, in our
view, are areas in dire need of reforms
particularly in Zimbabwe. But reforms are
possible only where there is democratic
consensus, a commodity that unfortunately
is in short supply in our country, where
political divisiveness and polarization has
become rife.
Political consensus should therefore be
achieved in a divisive and polarized polity.
Though this is not a simple matter, but
democratisation is difficult without it. It is
common knowledge that consensus requires
the political elite to put aside narrow-minded
interests and agree and commit to a common
national agenda towards democratisation.
Continued on page 13
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