No militia reporte d 74% 66% 55% 54% 34% 15% 79% 41% Militia reporte d 87% 85% 83% 83% 77% 48% 94% 77% AS IS SEEN IN TABLE 8 [ABOVE], THE PRESENCE OF REPORTED MILITIA SEEMS TO MARKEDLY ELEVATE THE PERCENTAGE OF CONSTITUENCIES REPORTING INTERFERENCE WITH SOME BASIC FREEDOMS, BUT HAS HAD LITTLE EFFECT ON OTHERS. THE TRENDS SEEN IN THE PREVIOUS REPORT ARE THUS MAINTAINED. Figure 3. Comparison of the presence of miltia: Indices of violence 90% 80% Percentage of reports 70% 60% 50% No Militia base 40% Militia base 30% 20% 10% 0% Physical Violence Gender Violence Inter-party Violence Intra-party violence Types of violence It should be pointed out here that interfering with assembly, movement and expression – attending political meetings, travel, and information - are much more direct interferences in the civic life of citizens than interference with association – wearing T-shirts and putting up posters. We would also comment that wearing T-shirts and allowing posters to be put up can convey a sense of normality, and that interference with these other freedoms is much more subtle and difficult to detect by observers. Election observers were called upon to understand and appreciate the ways in which these more subtle forms of irregularity operate in the Zimbabwean context, but they declared the polls as free and fair despite having this information. In general, the associations between the presence of militia and electoral irregularities, identified by our community monitors, are very disturbing, and wholly out of keeping with the kind of electoral climate expected under the SADC Principles and Guidelines. Furthermore, the observations are in keeping with the reports from the press and the many reports of human rights groups in the recent past. However, it is evident from our data that the associations of militia with electoral irregularities was much more subtle in its effects than in previous elections, National Constitutional Assembly: THE 2005 PARLIAMENTARY ELECTION. FLAWED, UNFREE AND UNFAIR!