therefore does not seem very difficult for government to insist upon schools being protected from adverse political activity and political violence: it merely requires the will and the use of its considerable power and resources. Zimbabwe is not in a state of war, there is no armed conflict, and elections can occur without schools being involved. This data does not permit any analysis of the actual harm, physical and psychological, that these child victims might have suffered, nor can this data give any understanding of the magnitude of the problem. It can be inferred from the very brief review of the international literature that the consequences to children are not likely to be any less serious than those to adults, and, if the trends seen from this examination of the reported cases are actually very extensive, then Zimbabwe is facing a rehabilitation problem of considerable magnitude. The understanding from other countries, and the studies conducted in these countries (see Section 4 above), is that living in an environment where Potentially Traumatic Events (PTEs) are common can have disabling effects on children, and it seems clear from this data that children are not merely living in an environment where there are PTEs, but are actually experiencing traumatic events. It seems crucial that urgent steps are taken to prevent any future occurrences – both at homes and in schools – in order that the existing burden is not added to. Furthermore, it must be a priority to understand the existing morbidity amongst children so that appropriate help can be given to the current victims, and this will require a comprehensive, national epidemiological investigation. Zimbabwe urgently needs both a preventative and a rehabilitative strategy for its children. 19