36 IRI/NDI Zimbabwe International Election Observation Mission Final Report affiliated with established political parties turned to running as independent candidates. Contesting as an independent candidate provided access to the ballot, though for many female candidates, raising the resources necessary to campaign proved to be extraordinarily difficult outside of the party context. Zimbabwe has an established PR system for women parliamentarians that has been in effect since 2013 and that reserves 60 of the 270 seats in the National Assembly, elected based on the proportion of votes each party obtains for the National Assembly, for women. The PR system, which will sunset before the 2023 elections, has been effective in increasing women’s presence in political spheres, but has had the inverse effect on political parties fielding female candidates apart from the PR seats.45 More than 75 percent of Zimbabweans are under the age of 35,46 and 60 percent of registered voters in the general elections were between the ages of 18 and 40.47 While young people were recognized as an important voter base, they were not readily supported by political parties to run as candidates. Those who wished to take on leadership roles or independently contest in elections were often constrained to fundraise for public office and run a campaign with little or no party support. During the pre-election period, many youth actively participated in door-to-door canvassing, attended candidate rallies, and distributed campaign posters. Notably, the liberalization of the campaign environment contributed to a high number of youth reporting strong enthusiasm to participate in the elections. Young men and women, particularly those who recently came of age to vote, were also the target of various voter education efforts by the ZEC, civil society, and even some parties. On Election Day, young women and men were well-represented as domestic observers, poll workers, and in some cases, as presiding officers. The use of youth as the instruments of violence and intimidation during election periods, however, continues to remain a concern. The 2013 Constitution explicitly provides for the rights and protection of PWDs against discrimination but falls short of guaranteeing specific political rights. Though Zimbabwe acceded to the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities in 2013, it has yet to align domestic law with commitments in the Convention that could provide guarantee of extended franchise to PWDs.48 Two seats in the upper house are reserved for senators as representatives of those with disabilities, and the office of the president has an advisor dedicated to addressing issues affecting PWDs. However, during the campaign period and on Election Day, there were many obstacles for PWDs. Several political parties and independent candidate manifestos included campaign pledges to improve the lives of Zimbabweans living with disabilities, but inadequate access to voter education materials as well as fear of political violence impeded PWDs from fully participating in 45 From 2008 to 2013, the number of directly elected women representing constituencies decreased from 34 to 26. Women’s representation is still on the decline, having had only 25 women directly elected to the National Assembly in the 2018 harmonized elections. RAU (2017), Policy Brief No. 2. Increasing women’s political participation. Harare: Research & Advocacy Unit 46 ZimStat (2012), Census 2012. National Report. Harare: Zimbabwe National Statistics Agency. 47 “60 Percent of Zimbabwe’s 5.3 Million Registered Voters Are Between 18-40: Justice Chigumba,” Pindula News, February 26, 2018, https://news.pindula.co.zw/2018/02/26/60-percent-zimbabwes-53-million-registered-voters-18-40justice-chigumba/ 48 The 1992 Disabled Person Act outlines welfare provisions for PWD versus civil and political rights.