XI. Conclusion The combination of restrictions on campaigning, flawed electoral procedures, the politicization of the distribution of agricultural equipment and food, an overwhelmingly pro-government media bias, arrests, beatings and other forms of intimidation during the run up to the March 29 elections precludes the possibility of holding free and fair elections. It is clear that the government has not respected the right of Zimbabweans to freely exercise their right to vote or to participate in the government through freely chosen representatives.147 Nor has it met benchmarks for free and fair elections such as those set out in the SADC Principles and Guidelines. The government is to be commended for introducing amendments to electoral laws that improve electoral procedures. However, as highlighted in this report, there has been little time to implement the changes, and questionable political will or intent to do so. Further, changes to other laws such as POSA and AIPPA were not as positive and have done little to improve the electoral environment. The international community, in particular the SADC, should evaluate the political context in which these elections are being held as well as the electoral process as a whole, and should promptly and unequivocally condemn serious breaches of international and regional standards. The SADC, which has played an instrumental role in finding a resolution to Zimbabwe’s political crisis, should ensure that there are consequences for the government of Zimbabwe if it again flouts its international commitment to hold free and fair elections. Another round of flawed elections should not be seen as “business as usual” in relations between the SADC and the government of Zimbabwe. 147 See for example, Human Rights Committee General Comment No. 25: The right to participate in public affairs, voting rights and the right of equal access to public service (Art. 25, ICCPR), July 12, 1996. All Over Again 46