The group noted that very little power had accrued to the MDC through the GPA, and that the MDC
appeared to be reluctant to exercise the little power that it had. This led to an unpacking of the MDC's
concept of a “working” IG. In particular, the MDC argument that, while it recognised that the GPA was
highly flawed and left Mugabe's powers almost completely intact, it had little choice other than to sign
and enter the IG. Failure to do so would have resulted in a formal or de facto coup by the security
sector and a continued and intolerable humanitarian crisis. This had been avoided by the GPA and the
tactic had thus “worked” to this extent. A corollary of this tactic is for the MDC to demonstrate that it
is not a threat to ZANU PF – achieved in part by not seeking to exercise power in any sphere which
ZANU PF regards as its exclusive domain – to thereby ameliorate the acrimony between the parties,
calm the political waters, and for there to be a mutual “re-humanising process” to reverse the
dehumanisation that had preceded the accord. This approach was designed to gradually “change the
mindset” of ZANU PF stalwarts, and the MDC, simply by virtue of being in the corridors of power,
would increase its leverage and be able to open up democratic space sufficiently for free elections to
be held under an improved constitution. The approach demanded that the MDC claim that the IG was
“working”. The group gave this approach the moniker “make believe” politics.
Examining the Claim
The group then proceeded to consider the claim that the IG was “working” against the backdrop of
the various meanings to be ascribed to the term outlined above.
A stakeholder from within the unions outlined the effect of the IG from the perspective of teachers.
There is substantial relief within the primary and secondary education sector about the current
relative political stability. While still not 100% secure, a certain freedom of movement exists for
teachers. Violence is down, providing a window period within which teachers can “breathe”. Many
teachers were persecuted, seven were killed during the election period and a large number in outlying
areas were forced to flee. A positive of the IG is that teachers are now able to express their needs
and engage at the highest level of government.
However, despite this more open and relaxed atmosphere, the real nature of the IG is exposed
through a closer examination of what is happening at a practical level. The Minister of Education,
David Coltart, announced an amnesty for teachers who had ostensibly breached their terms of
employment and fled their posts during the 2008 electoral period. The Minister indicated that special
concessions were to be given to these teachers. About 17 000 teachers, the majority of whom were in
South Africa, came back to Zimbabwe and applied to be readmitted. However, this readmission has
been painfully, and deliberately slow – only 436 have thus far been re-absorbed formally into the
system.
Since 15th March 2009, PTUZ has been raising the issue with the State's bureaucracy, with little
success. The Permanent Secretary in the Ministry of Education is believed to be blocking this reintegration in collaboration with ZANU PF-supporting officials within the Public Service Commission. In
line with the MDC's policy of portraying the IG as “working”, Coltart has defended his permanent
secretary, laying the blame exclusively on the Public Service Commission. PTUZ has tried to deal with
the matter by approaching both the Permanent Secretary and the Public Service Commission and has
been given the run around by both. Agreed courses of action have not been implemented.
This contrasts sharply with the fact that Zanu PF's policy of placing its supporters (youth militia) at
schools as “Youth Officers” is being implemented rapidly and without any bureaucratic delays. In
September 2009, returning teachers were present at provincial offices trying to find their way through
the red tape of readmission while Zanu PF were busy recruiting last years O Level graduates.
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