based on agreement on a schedule for debt repayment. The Finance minister has also made it clear that unless a greater re-engagement takes place with the international community, there will be no further assistance from outside. In his words, and clearly aware that such lack of assistance will weaken the position of the MDC in the Inclusive Government, Biti observed : We are not going to get outside help from anyone. Last year we got US$30 million from South Africa, and US$5million from China, the credit lines are not going to be extended Predictably Zanu PF responded to these attempts to draw it into broader international accountability around economic policy issues, with a greater assertion of purported nationalism. In February 2010 Zanu PF announced a set of regulations that would bring the Indigenisation Act passed in 2007 into operation. The regulations called for the indigenisation of every business with an asset value of or above $US500,000. As stated in the regulations such businesses should: ...within the next five years from the date of operation of these regulations, or within five years from the commencement of the business concerned, as the case may be, cede a controlling interest of not less than fifty one per centum of the shares or interests therein to indigenous Zimbabweans; unless in order to achieve other socially desirable objectives, a lesser share of indigenisation or a longer period within which to achieve it is justified.7 The introduction of these regulations could thus be seen as both the Mugabe regime’s reluctance to be drawn into a broader web of policy accountability, and a response to the continued targeted sanctions against the Zanu PF elite. In the words of the Indigenisation Minister: Sanctions worked because the economy was being controlled from outside the country….These British banks should change their attitude; either they support our people or there is no need for them to be in First Street.8 The introduction of the regulations was widely condemned by the Prime Minister, the MDCs, the civics and many in the business community. Moreover the MDC (M) Trade Minister criticised Kasukuwere for publishing the regulations prematurely, before they had been deliberated upon by the cabinet committee on legislation.9 It remains to be seen how this issue will be dealt with as part of the ongoing unresolved problems of the GPA. However, this indigenisation discourse draws on both the politics of indigenisation that emerged in the 1990’s10 and the politics of the Third Chimurenga around the land question. It is part of the process of extending Zanu PF’s patronage and generating new constituencies around                                                              7  Indigenisation and Economic Empowerment (General) Regulations 2010, Statutory Instrument 21 of 2010.  8  “Empowerment law meant to fight sanctions”. www.zimonline.co.za/Article.aspx?Articleld=5805 Accessed  08/03/10.  9  “Government revising empowerment rules”. www.theindependent.co.zw/business/25643‐government‐revising‐ empowerment‐r Accessed on 05/03/10,  10  Brian Raftopoulos and Daniel Compagnon, “Indigenisation, the State Bourgeoisie and Neo‐Authoritarian  Politics”, in Staffon Darnoff and Liisa Laakso (Eds), Twenty Years of Independence in Zimbabwe: From Liberation  to Authoritarianism, Palgrave, Macmillan, 2003.     6