Makoni, who has held several ministerial posts in Mugabe’s government as well as being the head of
SADCC in the 1980’s, launched his campaign, as an attempt both, to reform and rejuvenate the legacy of
the liberation movement, and to provide adequate technocratic leadership to mount “a credible strategy
for a sustained recovery of the country.” 18 Makoni’s strategy was thus to draw on the quiet support he
believed he had within ZANU PF, thus stressing his continued links with the ruling party’s legacy, while
also appealing to a broader national constituency through a discourse of technocratic capacity. As a
result of the continued recrimination and divisions between the two MDC formations and the failure of
the two to develop an electoral pact, the smaller Mutambara formation agreed to support the Makoni
candidacy in the hope of developing a national presence. 19
Morgan Tsvangirai’s campaign was fought through a message of political change, economic
transformation and the values of human rights, tolerance and democratic accountability. This message
was articulated in Tsvangirai’s post election message, in some ways echoing the Mugabe’s
reconciliation message in 1980, which spoke of the challenge:
…. of giving birth to a new Zimbabwe founded on restoration and not on retribution; on equality
and not discrimination; on love not war; on tolerance, not hate. After Saturday 29th March 2008,
Zimbabwe will never be the same again; the people have spoken with one vote…In those
minutes inside the booth, each one of us re-wrote the history of Zimbabwe. For that particular
moment we each held the destiny of our country in the pen we used to cast our vote. The votes
cast on Saturday were for change and a new beginning. It was a vote for jobs; it was a vote for
food, for dignity, for respect, for decency and equality, for tolerance, for love, and for trust.20
Mugabe’s election message was predictably menacing and threatening, once again stressing the ZANU
PF legacy of the liberation struggle and drawing on the anti-colonial and anti-imperialist tropes that have
characterized Mugabe’s revived authoritarian nationalism since the late 1990’s. Speaking to a rural
audience in Masvingo in the week before the election Mugabe warned:
When we held our first congress in Gweru in the 1960’s we resolved to send our comrades, led
by brave men like Cde Zvinavashe who is here, to fight the whites who had taken our land and
we will send them back again should Tsvangirai win the elections. We will not allow a party that
would take land back to the whites if it comes to power. Whose land should go back to the
imperialists again? We say no to that. They must know that tiri vechibhakera (we are of the fist)
and we will punch anyone who crosses our path. 21
These comments were preceded earlier in March by threats from various security sector service chiefs.
The Commander of the armed forces Constantine Chiwenga threatened that:
Elections are coming and the army will not support or salute sell-outs and agents of the West
before during and after the presidential election. We will not support anyone other than President
Mugabe who has sacrificed a lot for this country. 22
This position was reiterated by the Heads of the Police and Prison Services, and echoed the threats made
before the 2002 Presidential election by the head of the armed forces. Thus whatever the relative calm of
the immediate pre-election period, Mugabe already indicated his intentions towards the populace in the
event of a ruling party loss.
18
Message to all Zimbabweans in South Africa from Simba Makoni, President 2008.
This is discussed in Raftopoulos 2008, op cit; see also Shari Eppel, “Matabeleland: Its Struggle for Legitimacy and the
Relevance of this in the 2008 Election.” Perspectives, No 2, 2008.
20
Morgan Tsvanigirai, Press Conference Statement, 1st April 2008
21
Godfrey Mutimba, “Mugabe threatens war.” The Standard, 30th MARCH 2008. The fist was a central symbol of ZANU
PF’s election campaign.
22
Fikile Mapata, ‘Army threatens coup if Mugabe loses.’ Newzimbabwe.com 11/03.08.
19
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