This trend has continued after the 2013 elections, with forced demolitions and evictions occurring in Harare high-density areas as well as a number of former farm workers being displaced from their home. Some of the former farm workers have also been prosecuted for violating the Consequential Provisions (Gazetted Lands Act).33 As a result, forced internal displacements have been either through forced demolitions, or prosecution. This tactic, which has been used by ZANU PF, has remained largely in the control of the Ministries on Local Government, with most of the new farmers benefitting from the allocation of farms also being affiliated to ZANU PF. The political party that is in control of land can easily manipulate its distribution in its favour to win support even through housing cooperatives. One recurring promise in ZANU PF electoral campaigns since 1990, 1996, 2000, 2004, 200834 and even 2013 elections has been the promise of land and access to housing. Even though MDC has made inroads by winning most of the local council seats in major cities such as Harare, it has never really controlled the distribution of land. ZANU PF has largely remained in control of key ministries such as the Ministry of Local Government, Public Works and National Housing.35 Land has been distributed just before elections as a way to garner support by the government and this has mainly been done through housing cooperatives, resulting in their politicisation.36 This has inevitably influenced data required for determination of election boundaries as names on the voters’ roll have been used to decide on the boundaries of constituencies. However, in some instances, after elections, there have been exercises to regularise the housing cooperative settlements, further distorting the population density in certain wards, and constituencies. Since November 2014, the ZANU PF government’s position on housing cooperatives has been shifting. Poor financial management, and involvement of land barons who have allocated undesignated land, or have failed to develop the 33 Zimbabwe Human Rights Lawyers, Protection of Human Rights Defenders Monthly Reports (2012, 2013, 2014, 2015) unpublished. 34 Boone C Zimbabwe in comparative perspective Property and political order: land rights and the structure of politics in Africa (2013) p 382. 35 Chirisa I et al Distributive politics at play in Harare, Zimbabwe: case for housing cooperatives Bandug Journal of Global South (2015) 2:15 p 2. 36 As above p 1-2; see also See The Herald 2600 housing cooperatives registered (12 March 2014) highlighting how housing cooperatives is a priority in the ZANU PF winning election manifesto. available on http://www.herald.co.zw/2-600-housing-co-operatives-registered/ 16 | P a g e