were unconditionally discharged, and the evidence of the conditions in detention (see above) was
that gross human rights violations were perpetrated on a massive scale, then the numbers were
clearly much higher. Even more significantly, when the evidence suggested that gross human rights
violations were perpetrated on a massive scale within the communities without arrests taking
place, then the numbers affected were likely to be in the region of many thousands.19 Of course,
this assertion is based upon extrapolation and is no substitute for detailed analysis, but this was
what the Human Rights Forum continually requested from the President and the government: an
independent commission of inquiry. Importantly, this was also requested by the UN Human Rights
Committee.
As can be seen from this section, the human consequences of the Food Riots were not trivial and the
suffering continues unaddressed for an unknown number of ordinary Zimbabwean citizens caught
up in a terrible disturbance. They required a response from the government better than ignoring the
problem or offering a mendacious report such as that from the Zimbabwe Republic Police.
19
This is now wholly probable and can be seen in the light of Operation Murambatsvina. Here, see ActionAid (2005),
An In-depth Study on the Impact of Operation Murambatsvina/Restore Order in Zimbabwe (Harare: ActionAid International
in collaboration with the Counselling Services Unit (CSU), Combined Harare Residents’ Association (CHRA) and the
Zimbabwe Peace Project (ZPP), November 2005).
13
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