On the one hand, they hold out hope that the emerging constitution will change politics and their lives for the better. They are impatient for the new constitution to take shape and replace the old one. 38% want the existing constitution repealed and another 28% want it amended. 62% reckon that the COPAC constitutional outreach process was meaningful. They also say they are tired of being consulted on constitutions, and want to see the job done. They definitely want to see the constitution going to referendum before a next round of elections. On the other hand, only 42% reckon that citizens’ views will be reflected in a new constitution. Only 30% believe that a constitution will be produced that will be good for democracy and human rights. Simultaneously, they are certain as to what they want from a new constitution – a limitation of presidential terms, no appointed members of parliament, restriction of the role of traditional leaders to local government, independent courts and an independent election management body. The Zimbabweans in the survey speak positively of the COPAC constitutional outreach process – but only 24% had attended a meeting. They observed relatively limited violence around the process – although about 1 in 7 of the attendees report that they had seen political parties use violence to get their way in constitutional deliberations. Spokespersons had been appointed by political parties, mostly at local level, and speeches and prayers had their political content. Generally, however, they believe that the deliberations were fine, and participants say they did not feel intimidated articulating their constitutional wishes. IV: Party support and declaring vote intention The survey delivers the result that the MDC-T has suffered a substantial drop of support in the time since the previous September 2009 Freedom House survey – from 55% to 38%. ZANU-PF appears to have grown its support by 5 percentage points from 12% to 17%. The MDC-M has effectively disappeared, with an indicated support level of below 1%. ZAPU-Dabengwa remains in the sub-1% zone. Simultaneously, 42% of respondents chose not to declare their vote preference – a percentage that was substantially up from the previous, September 2009, Freedom House survey’s 31%. Given the violence structure of Zimbabwean society it is probably not surprising that so many chose not to declare. It remains possible that the MDC-T retains substantial levels of hidden support in the ranks of the 42% of non-declarants. The MDC-T drop is not entirely explained through the rest of the survey data. The survey indicates that the Inclusive Government is widely credited with good performances. The MDC-T is receiving substantial credit for the performance. Simultaneously, the MDC-T in the time since the 2009 survey has been confirmed to be the subject partner in the IG, with effective power remaining in the hands of Mugabe and the security forces. This is likely to have dented the MDC-T image. In the political context it has also been evident that the MDC-T has been less able to be simultaneously effective as party and as government partner. The current survey contained items which can be used as ‘parallel indicators’ of party support (besides directly asking respondents who they would support in an election). These measures were included in 6